[ITA] Un recente (circa 10 giorni fa) aggiornamento dei nostri servizi di posta pare stia causando dei problemi con alcuni account, in combinazione con Thunderbird. I sintomi variano: non si vede più l’elenco dei folder, oppure lo si vede, ma non compaiono i messaggi nuovi – può sembrare che non stiate più ricevendo posta.

La posta sta venendo consegnata regolarmente! Il problema è nell’interazione con i client. I messaggi nuovi si possono vedere, per esempio, utilizzando la webmail.

Stiamo indagando per risolvere il problema.

[ENG] It appears that a recent (about 10 days ago) major upgrade of our email systems is causing some issues to a subset of users, primarily when using Thunderbird as their email client. Symptoms vary: TB might stop showing the list of folders, or perhaps it will show it, but then the INBOX folder will not display new messages. It might look like you’re no longer receiving any email.

Email is being delivered without issues! The problem is with the client. You can, for example, access new messages by using the webmail.

We’re investigating to attempt to resolve this issue.

AGGIORNAMENTO / UPDATE

[ITA] Si può temporaneamente aggirare il problema, per chi usa Thunderbird, disabilitando la compressione IMAP (RFC 4978) andando nelle impostazioni avanzate ed impostando la variabile mail.server.default.use_compress_deflate a false.

[ENG] It is possible to temporarily work around the issue for Thunderbird users, by going into the advanced settings, looking for the mail.server.default.use_compress_deflate variable, and setting it to false.

AGGIORNAMENTO 2 / UPDATE 2

[ITA] Dovremmo essere riusciti a mitigare il problema lato server, nessuna modifica al client è più necessaria.

[ENG] We think we have mitigated the issue server-side, so no client changes should be necessary anymore.

Le famiglie cambiano forma, ma restano luoghi in cui si impara a vivere insieme. Dalla rubrica di filosofia. Leggi

Da Cry baby di Vince Staples a III della Khun Narin Electric Phin Band. Le recensioni della stampa straniera Leggi

L’incontro di Parigi tra le due comunità è una testimonianza coraggiosa del fatto che una cooperazione è possibile. Ma rappresenta solo la voce di una piccola minoranza Leggi

L ondra, novembre 1859. L’origine delle specie di Charles Darwin, il libro che cambiò per sempre la prospettiva degli esseri umani nei confronti di sé stessi e della vita sulla Terra, viene pubblicato dall’editore John Murray. Solo pochi anni prima, nel 1853 e nella stessa città, tra tavolate opulente e decori sfarzosi, un manipolo di scienziati, uomini illustri ed editori, festeggiava quello che credeva un imperituro trionfo: le numerose scoperte di fossili, che si erano avvicendate dai primi anni dell’Ottocento sino a quel momento, non erano più una minaccia per la visione di un mondo felice disegnato da un Dio buono per il suo figlio prediletto, l’Uomo.

Richard Owen, ospite d’onore di quella cena organizzata a Capodanno al Crystal Palace, era riuscito, seppur con fatica, a costruire una teoria unificatrice che permettesse ancora a scienza e religione di fondersi e sostenersi a vicenda. In quel momento, durante quella celebrazione tenutasi all’interno di un modello in scala reale di un iguanodonte, Owen godeva di quella vittoria, inconsapevole che il suo castello di carte sarebbe stato scompaginato dal vortice della teoria dell’evoluzione darwiniana. Le scoperte, i personaggi e, soprattutto, il contesto sociale e culturale in cui quella nuova rivoluzione, forse ancora più dirompente di quella copernicana, ebbe modo di svilupparsi fino al suo atto finale sono raccontati da Edward Dolnick nel suo libro A cena con il dinosauro. Come un eccentrico gruppo di vittoriani scoprì le creature preistoriche e cambiò accidentalmente il mondo (2026).

Nel suo saggio, Dolnick illustra come scienziati, letterati, donne e uomini comuni reagirono quando scoprirono per la prima volta che, in un passato remoto, il mondo era popolato da animali dotati di dimensioni colossali e caratteristiche inedite.

Richard Owen era riuscito, seppur con fatica, a costruire una teoria unificatrice che permettesse ancora a scienza e religione di fondersi e sostenersi a vicenda. Ma presto il suo castello di carte sarebbe stato scompaginato dal vortice della teoria dell’evoluzione darwiniana.

Fu Pliny Moody, un contadino dodicenne del New England, a rinvenire nel 1802 una serie di impronte a tre dita grandi circa quanto un piatto da portata. A questa prima scoperta ne seguirono altre, che comprendevano ossa enormi e, addirittura, scheletri quasi completi. Oggi noi diamo per scontata l’origine di questi resti e troviamo difficile immaginare cosa possano aver pensato e provato le persone di quell’epoca. Il fulcro della narrazione di A cena con il dinosauro, che si diversifica così da altri saggi che parlano della storia della paleontologia, si concentra proprio su come la comunità scientifica e la gente comune abbiano accolto, tra i loro saperi e nel loro immaginario, le prove di un tempo profondo che non avevano mai creduto potesse essere esistito, in cui il Pianeta era dominato da creature sconosciute e terribili, in un paesaggio molto diverso da quello del presente. E su come abbiano accettato l’orrore supremo, il concetto per cui il disegno divino non fosse poi così intelligente e le esistenze di questi animali del passato a un certo punto fossero state spazzate via.

Il fulcro della narrazione si concentra su come la comunità scientifica e la gente comune abbiano accolto le prove di un tempo profondo che non avevano mai creduto potesse essere esistito, in cui la Terra era dominata da creature sconosciute e terribili.

Gli scienziati e cercatori di fossili della prima metà dell’Ottocento erano il loro equivalente in redingote. Con due differenze fondamentali: anziché estendersi nello spazio, la loro ricerca andava indietro nel tempo e trovarono dei segni di vita. E non furono segni impercettibili, come strane sequenze di disturbi elettrostatici rilevate da un computer. Qui si parla di denti affilati come pugnali e costole lunghe come travi. Poeti, scienziati, donne e uomini comuni assistevano alla scoperta dei dinosauri e rabbrividivano stupefatti.

Nell’Inghilterra del 19° secolo, nonostante la resistenza al cambiamento di uomini in cui scienza e fede cantavano lo stesso inno di celebrazione per il “mondo felice”, la natura cambia la natura e l’illusione si dirada a colpi di ritrovamenti, così copiosi per via delle intense attività di scavo legate alla rivoluzione industriale. Il racconto di Edward Dolnick scorre chiaro: non è una raccolta straripante di curiosità e strani abbagli e i protagonisti, presentati capitolo dopo capitolo, acquistano quasi corpo.

Quella di Edward Dolnick non è una raccolta straripante di curiosità e strani abbagli. I protagonisti, presentati capitolo dopo capitolo, acquistano corpo grazie a una penna allegra, vivida e mai pedante, in un saggio che ha il pregio della leggerezza.

Infine, arriva Richard Owen, l’anatomista che nel 1842 coniò il termine “dinosauro”, con il suo volto da Uriah Heep, l’antagonista di David Copperfield, tronfio per aver creduto di aver ristabilito il mondo felice con una teoria onnicomprensiva. L’autore spiega:

La sua nuova teoria manteneva Dio al comando ma sembrava lasciar spazio a qualcosa che tendeva verso l’evoluzione. (Owen cercò abilmente di eludere questa pericolosa accusa.) Nel passato preistorico, suggerì, Dio aveva sparso per il mondo un po’ di specie e stabilito regole che governavano il modo in cui sarebbero cambiate nel corso degli eoni. Poi aveva premuto “play” e si era messo a guardare soddisfatto.

L'articolo A cena con il dinosauro di Edward Dolnick proviene da Il Tascabile.

Dall’Emilia Romagna alla Sicilia, una rassegna degli appuntamenti più importanti, tra mostre, incontri e letture portfolio Leggi

Mettere le donne sotto pressione non aumenterà il loro desiderio. La questione va ripensata da un punto di vista sociale Leggi

Nel pieno di una crisi gravissima, su Instagram si moltiplicano gli annunci di appartamenti e case in vendita a Cuba Leggi

La Toscana saluta la 1000 Miglia 2026 con una delle giornate più suggestive dell’intero percorso. Partita all’alba da Montecatini Terme, la carovana della Freccia Rossa ha attraversato alcuni dei luoghi più suggestivi della regione, da Lucca a Pisa, fino all’iconico arrivo in piazza del Campo a Siena. Nel pomeriggio, le vetture storiche hanno affrontato le strade della Val d’Orcia e raggiunto Radicofani, ultimo baluardo toscano prima dell’ingresso nel Lazio.

Da Lucca a Siena

La terza tappa si è aperta con le Prove Cronometrate disputate lungo le mura di Lucca, seguite dai Controlli Timbro di Pietrasanta e Forte dei Marmi e dal passaggio attraverso Pisa. Dopo aver toccato Pontedera, Peccioli e Palaia, gli equipaggi hanno raggiunto Siena per la tradizionale sosta nella scenografica piazza del Campo. Le temperature più miti delle prime ore hanno reso piacevole la guida. 

Una classifica aperta

Nel pomeriggio la competizione è entrata nel vivo con una serie di Prove Cronometrate e due Prove di Media disputate tra la Val d’Orcia e la via Francigena. In questo contesto si è inserito il passaggio da Radicofani, dove le vetture hanno effettuato il Controllo Timbro prima di dirigersi verso il Lazio. La corsa punta ora verso Roma, con le prove di Montemaggiore, il passaggio lungo il lago di Bolsena e i controlli di Capodimonte, Marta, Viterbo e Ronciglione prima della tradizionale passerella in via Veneto. Sul fronte sportivo, i fratelli Juan e Margarita Tonconogy mantengono il comando della classifica provvisoria, ma il margine sugli inseguitori Andrea Vesco e Fabio Salvinelli resta contenuto. In terza posizione si confermano Lorenzo e Mario Turelli, mentre nel Gran Turismo Experience guidano Jari Matti Johannes Latvala e Giordano Mozzi.

Da Aosta a Palermo, una settimana in Italia raccontata da Alessandro Gilioli Leggi

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10645-x

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10631-3

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10636-y

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10634-0

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10639-9

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10580-x

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/d41586-026-01835-8

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/d41586-026-01819-8

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10645-x

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10631-3

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10636-y

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10634-0

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10639-9

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10580-x

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/d41586-026-01835-8

Nature, Published online: 10 June 2026; doi:10.1038/d41586-026-01819-8

Partirà il 16 giugno il progetto gratuito “Un’estate di sorrisi in compagnia. Benessere e Socialità per la Terza Età” promosso dalla Cooperativa sociale Nomos con la sezione soci Coop Prato, che ospiterà fino al 15 settembre negli spazi di via delle Pleiadi attività dedicate ad over 70enni, ogni martedì e giovedì, dalle ore 9.30 alle 12.

Le attività

In programma laboratori artistici e esperienze con la realtà virtuale, attività di poesia e collage, momenti di lettura e commento delle notizie del giorno, cinema e il gioco teatrale, esercizi per allenare la memoria in modo pratico e divertente, e attività di mobilità dolce per mantenersi attivi. Il tutto con il supporto da operatori ed esperti in invecchiamento attivo. 

A chi si rivolge il servizio

Il servizio è rivolto a anziani pratesi autosufficienti o parzialmente autosufficienti che vivono condizioni di solitudine. La partecipazione è gratuita, ma a numero chiuso (massimo 20 posti) e sarà possibile accedere esclusivamente previa prenotazione obbligatoria al numero 055 6510477. 

Occasioni per stare insieme e sfuggire la solitudine

“Le persone hanno bisogno di persone. Proprio per questo il periodo estivo rappresenta un momento particolarmente delicato per la popolazione anziana, caratterizzato spesso da solitudine, ridotta mobilità e minori, se non limitate, occasioni di socializzazione. Con questa iniziativa intendiamo offrire occasioni concrete di benessere psicofisico, relazioni interpersonali e miglioramento della qualità della vita anche nei mesi estivi” spiega Gaia Guidotti, vicepresidente di Nomos. E prosegue: “Uno degli obiettivi centrali dell’iniziativa è la prevenzione dell’isolamento sociale e la valorizzazione della persona anziana come soggetto attivo e parte integrante della comunità. Il progetto vuole sostenere le famiglie, promuovendo una visione dell’invecchiamento come un percorso che può essere accompagnato da benessere e inclusione sociale”.

“Il Fondo di Beneficenza esprime una componente essenziale dell’impegno di Intesa Sanpaolo, ovvero restituire valore alla comunità sostenendo progetti che promuovono solidarietà, inclusione e centralità della persona. In una società che invecchia, accompagnare le persone anziane e chi se ne prende cura non è solo una priorità sociale, ma una responsabilità collettiva. Il progetto ‘Un Ponte sul Tempo’ risponde a questa sfida con un modello innovativo, integrato e di prossimità, capace di unire interventi sociosanitari ed educativi per migliorare concretamente la qualità della vita degli anziani e dei loro caregiver” afferma Giovanna Paladino, Executive Director Fondo di Beneficenza, responsabile Segreteria Tecnica di Presidenza.

“Siamo molto contenti di lanciare questa nuova iniziativa che Nomos porterà negli spazi della nostra sezione soci per costruire un’estate di socialità e benessere per gli anziani che restano in città nel periodo estivo. Grazie a questa iniziativa per gli over 70, fino al 15 settembre in sezione soci offriamo una proposta di attività pensate per favorire il benessere, la socializzazione e il divertimento dei partecipanti che potranno vivere momenti di incontro, condivisione e svago in un ambiente sicuro, accogliente e climatizzato, supportati da uno staff qualificato. Ringraziamo Nomos per la collaborazione e per il programma di attività che porterà nei nostri Coop.fi dal prossimo 16 giugno. Sarà un’occasione per vivere l’estate in compagnia, con momenti di condivisione e nuove relazioni che arricchiranno anche la nostra sezione soci”, dichiara Stefania Ermanno, presidente della sezione soci Coop di Prato.

Come partecipare

Per informazioni è possibile contattare il numero 055 6510477. La partecipazione è gratuita, previa prenotazione. È previsto un colloquio conoscitivo prima dell’iscrizione. 

Le iniziative estive sono inserite nell’ambito del progetto più ampio “UN PONTE SUL TEMPO – Supporto consapevole e attivo per tutti i tipi di invecchiamento”, sostenuto dal Fondo di Beneficenza di Intesa Sanpaolo.

L'articolo Attività per Over 70 al Parco*Prato proviene da Informatore.

Nature, Published online: 09 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10763-6

Nature, Published online: 09 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10763-6

La Polizia Municipale avvia le indagini per risalire all’autore dello scempio prefigurandosi un reato di natura penale

L'articolo Eternit abbandonato sul Romito: intervengono gli Ispettori Ambientali proviene da Aamps Livorno.

In late November in Jamnagar, India, the scions of two of the most powerful families in the world stood face-to-face. On one side was 30-year-old Anant Ambani, son of one of the richest men in Asia. On the other was Donald Trump Jr. For months, the Trump administration had been on the offensive against the sprawling Ambani energy empire, placing it at the center of an escalating tariff campaign against India. But after Trump Jr. touched down, the two men toured the Ambanis’ private zoo, and at night they performed a Gujarati folk dance, grinning as they moved together to the music.

Four months later, an obscure Texas startup called America First Refining announced that it had received a nine-figure investment from the Ambanis’ company. The deal puzzled numerous energy investors familiar with the project, which aims to build the first major new oil refinery in the U.S. in about 50 years. The company is run by a serial entrepreneur with a history of bankruptcy and lawsuits alleging fraud. After more than a decade of failed attempts to raise money, blown deadlines and rebrands, it had been floundering.

America First Refining’s unexpected breakthrough came after it forged a previously unreported relationship with Trump Jr., who secretly acquired a stake in the startup, according to records and seven people familiar with the company. The new details reveal the role the president’s son has played in a theme of Trump’s second term: overseas investors with interests before the administration putting money into the Trump family’s business interests.

Over the past year and a half, Trump Jr. has amassed a fortune from stakes in companies ranging from crypto startups to a drone business to a firearms retailer. Some firms tied to the president’s son have received contracts or other support from the federal government, part of what critics describe as a run of Trump family self-dealing. In December, Forbes estimated that Trump Jr.’s net worth had rocketed from roughly $50 million to $300 million since the election. But the Forbes figures were based on the investments that have been publicly disclosed. The America First Refining episode suggests there is much about the family business that remains secret.

The size of Trump Jr.’s stake in America First Refining and what he paid for it remain unclear. Top executives at the startup have also said that they speak regularly with Trump Jr., according to a person close to the company. And after the Ambani investment was announced, Trump Jr.’s personal lawyer took credit on social media for playing a part in the deal.

America First Refining has flexed its Trump Jr. connections during pitch meetings with foreign officials. Early last year, Trump Jr. joined the company’s leadership for a meeting in South Florida with potential investors from Saudi Arabia, according to two people familiar with the matter. Another foreign government official pitched on the project told ProPublica that the company’s team emphasized they had backing from the Trump family and suggested that an investment would help with White House access.

The Ambanis’ investment coincided with the family’s securing major U.S. policy wins that their company, Reliance Industries, had been lobbying for. “Reliance Goes From Trump Foe to Friend With Refinery Pledge,” ran the Bloomberg headline after the deal was announced. Reliance’s intent with the deal was to “smooth out” tensions between the U.S. and India, the outlet reported.

A Trump Jr. spokesperson said that Trump Jr. “has no operational involvement in AFR and is simply a passive minority investor in an American company that aligns with his worldview.” 

“The entire premise of this story relating to Don is false,” the spokesperson said, adding, “Don does not interface with the Federal Government on behalf of any company that he invests in or advises.” ProPublica did not find evidence Trump Jr. was aware of refinery executives’ suggesting that an investment would help with White House access. 

In response to detailed questions, a spokesperson for America First Refining said, “The claims in this story are false,” but declined to specify what they were referring to. The company’s CEO previously denied wrongdoing in the lawsuits against him reviewed by ProPublica, and the suits were either settled or dropped.

The Ambani family had long been cultivating its relationship with the Trumps. Reliance paid $10 million to the Trump Organization in 2024 as a “development fee” for a project in Mumbai, according to the president’s financial disclosure. (Despite the payment, Reliance has not yet announced a Trump project. Reliance told ProPublica that “the real estate project is real” and “remains under development.”) Ivanka Trump attended Anant Ambani’s wedding party in India that year, where guests were treated to a Rihanna concert. Anant’s father, Mukesh — who is worth an estimated $90 billion and lives in a 27-story home — came to Washington, D.C., for Trump’s second inauguration, posing with the president at a private reception.

But by the summer of 2025, the family was under attack from the White House. Since Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, Reliance had reportedly made billions in profits by purchasing vast quantities of Russian oil at a discount. In August, as Trump grew frustrated with his administration’s struggles to bring the war to an end, the president doubled his tariffs on India to 50%. The move was explicitly designed to force companies like Reliance to stop buying Russian oil. White House trade adviser Peter Navarro publicly assailed “India’s politically connected energy titans” for “funding Putin’s war machine,” widely read as a reference to the Ambanis.

Amid this tension, Trump Jr. visited Anant Ambani on his November trip to India. At the end of the trip, Trump Jr.’s personal lawyer commented at a business conference in Miami: “I had a nice closing this morning with Don Trump Jr., who’s flying back from India today.” (The following week, the Texas startup — then called Element Fuels — filed paperwork to create America First Refining LLC. In an email, the attorney, John Willding, told ProPublica that there was “no transaction in India or with an Indian company that I was ever involved with.”) 

Anant Ambani, who helps run Reliance’s energy business, personally worked on the Texas refinery deal for months before it was announced, a major Indian newspaper later reported.

As the Ambanis quietly finalized their deal with America First Refining, U.S.-Indian relations appeared to warm. In February, the Trump administration struck a trade deal with India, dramatically lowering tariffs, and also reportedly gave Reliance a license to buy Venezuelan oil. When the Iran war broke out and rocked global energy markets, the U.S. gave India a sanctions waiver to buy Russian crude. (The waiver was later expanded to all countries.) 

In response to ProPublica’s questions, the White House said that “there are no conflicts of interest.” Reliance did not answer ProPublica’s questions about Trump Jr.’s and Anant Ambani’s roles in the investment deal, but said in a statement that the company did not receive “any unique or preferential treatment” from the U.S. government. 

“There is no connection between Reliance’s investment in AFR and any unique measures associated with general U.S. trade, tariff, sanctions or licensing outcomes,” Reliance said. “The investment was evaluated and approved on its commercial merits, strategic fit and long-term value creation potential.”

In March, President Trump personally announced Reliance’s deal with the Texas startup on Truth Social, thanking the Ambani company for its “tremendous Investment.”  

After the announcement, Willding, the Trump Jr. lawyer, shared the news on LinkedIn: “Just so proud to have been part of this one.”

Willding rowed back his claim in an email to ProPublica. “I have never worked for or advised AFR and had zero involvement in their deal with Reliance Energy,” he said. “I simply saw the press release and was excited for them.” America First Refining’s spokesperson called Willding’s comment “moronic and false.”

In June 2025, Willding registered a new entity in Wyoming called TX Fuels, LLC, listing the company’s address as Trump Jr.’s mansion in Jupiter, Florida. In his email, Willding said his “only involvement in AFR was handling the legal paperwork” for the Trump Jr. LLC’s investment in the startup.

Trump Jr. first hired Willding in May 2021, according to interviews the lawyer has given. A corporate deal lawyer in Dallas, Willding has referred to himself as “outside business counsel to the Trump family” and has said he talks to Trump Jr. or Eric Trump almost daily. A former Bill Clinton and Barack Obama voter who fell hard for MAGA, the attorney has installed a portrait of President Trump over the mantel in his living room.

Willding’s practice has boomed during the second Trump administration, bringing the lawyer to Argentina, Saudi Arabia and South Korea. “Everybody in the world wants to do business with the United States right now,” Willding said at a conference in June 2025. “Every company wants to do business with the Trump family.”

There are other fingerprints of the Trump world on the refinery deal. 

Howard Lutnick’s firm Cantor Fitzgerald — which his sons took over when Lutnick became Trump’s commerce secretary — is working as the financial adviser to America First Refining, including on the Ambani investment deal, Cantor Fitzgerald announced. (Cantor Fitzgerald declined to comment.)

And the Trump administration played a direct role helping America First Refining find potential foreign investors, according to public comments from the company’s CEO, John Calce. “We have received support from the White House,” he told a local news outlet. The National Energy Dominance Council, led by the interior and energy secretaries, has “helped us with, candidly, introducing us and helping us meet some of these people overseas,” Calce said on an industry podcast. 

America First Refining has recently explored going public, according to three people close to the company. That could allow its current investors to start cashing out even if the refinery never gets built — a milestone many energy industry insiders still view as a long shot. Reliance made its investment in the startup at a valuation of at least $1 billion, according to America First Refining’s announcement.

Building a refinery at the Port of Brownsville on the Gulf Coast has been Calce’s mission for a decade. A former Yale offensive lineman, he started his career as a high school football coach after an unsuccessful attempt to make the NFL and now describes himself as a “lifelong entrepreneur.” 

The project has been serially delayed, out of money, rebranded and trailed by angry former business partners. At one point, Calce’s companies were being sued simultaneously by eight other firms. In 2022, during bankruptcy proceedings for an earlier iteration of the project, the trustee appointed to impartially oversee the case sued Calce too. The trustee alleged that Calce and other insiders had improperly siphoned away cash and other assets. (Calce denied wrongdoing. The case was ultimately settled.)

During the Biden administration, as the company sought financial support from the Department of Energy, it pitched itself as a climate-friendly green project that would also help “people of underrepresented social demographics” in Brownsville, according to records from that period. The company failed to get enough money from outside investors, and the planned construction was delayed. 

By the company’s own estimate, building the refinery will take years and cost $3 billion to $4 billion. Even if it’s built, profitability could be hard to achieve. Many energy investors told ProPublica there’s a reason the U.S. hasn’t seen a major new refinery in decades. “Refineries cost a lot of money and essentially make pennies on the dollar,” said Ed Hirs, an energy economist in Houston. “Wall Street is not going to finance a new refinery.”

Even after the start of the second Trump administration, the company was in jeopardy, according to interviews and documents. It laid off workers last year, and, by late 2025, with delays continuing to plague the refinery, officials at the Port of Brownsville believed the project looked to be dead, according to records reviewed by ProPublica.

That has not stopped Calce and his team from making grandiose claims to the public. Earlier this year, a website went live for another Calce company called Brownsville Energy Storage Terminals. It claims to have a far-flung network of oil storage terminals in places like the Netherlands and Singapore, more than 850 employees and a C-suite of experienced energy executives. But ProPublica could find no evidence that the executives are real people or that the storage terminals actually exist. The phone numbers on the website are also currently listed online as the contacts for a Houston baklava caterer, a Dallas-area taxi service and an OB-GYN office. The numbers are dead.

America First Refining’s political ties, though, may have boosted its standing with Texas state regulators. In February, shortly before the Ambani investment became public, the company sought an extension on its permit from the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality. 

Inside the state agency, emails obtained by ProPublica show, officials scrambled to approve the request.

“Need to get this one logged and processed asap,” wrote one official.

“You are going to have to do this one. I will explain why in person in a few,” wrote another. “You can guess if you check out the name.”

America First Refining got its approval the next day. A spokesperson for the Texas agency did not address questions about the emails. “This request was processed quickly due to the quality of information provided,” the spokesperson said.

The post An Indian Billionaire Was Targeted by Trump. Then He Poured Money Into a Startup Secretly Backed by Donald Trump Jr. appeared first on ProPublica.

Nature, Published online: 08 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10749-4

Nature, Published online: 08 June 2026; doi:10.1038/s41586-026-10735-w

Timmy G. Robinson Jr., founder and owner of what was once Kentucky’s largest drug addiction treatment company, was criminally indicted Thursday by a federal grand jury on charges of wire fraud and money laundering.

The indictment, filed in the Eastern District of Kentucky, charges Robinson with fraudulently selling millions of dollars of the same IRS tax credit to two companies. Robinson “devised a scheme” to “unlawfully enrich himself” by selling those tax credits to two parties, the indictment says. Robinson is also charged with two counts of money laundering  for spending the proceeds of the fraudulent sale. 

Robinson has resigned as CEO of ARC, company spokesperson Vanessa Keeton said Thursday. Robinson, 50, founded the company in 2012 after becoming sober and telling people he felt called by God to help people in the state with addiction. 

ARC, which at one point operated more than 40 drug treatment centers around the state, has been under FBI investigation for Medicaid fraud since July 2024. That investigation is ongoing, the FBI confirmed on Friday. The Lexington Herald-Leader, in partnership with ProPublica, reported in April firsthand accounts from former ARC employees and clients who said they were told by ARC to falsely bill Medicaid, or witnessed others billing for services that were not actually provided. The company said at the time that it “has never knowingly or fraudulently billed Medicaid for services, and there is no evidence that the organization encouraged employees to falsify group notes for billing purposes.”

Robinson’s attorney, Kent Wicker, said he and his client were surprised to learn an indictment had been placed over a “dispute with some investors that is now pending in a civil courtroom.”

That dispute escalated earlier this year, when ARC was sued by two companies to which Robinson had sold IRS credits, including the Bahamas-based Angelica Capital Trust. But both companies allege that when ARC received the IRS credits, it illegally kept more than $8 million the companies were owed. They allege ARC was refusing to repay the money in part so it could pay a preliminary $28 million settlement with the Department of Justice over alleged Medicaid fraud. Robinson has said he would make payments to creditors upon the sale of the company, which he described in January as imminent. 

“To be clear, Mr. Robinson did not defraud anyone, did not gain anything from the transaction at issue, and he has done nothing but deliver high quality care for over a decade to thousands of Kentuckians,” Wicker said in an emailed statement to the Herald-Leader and ProPublica. “We look forward to defending this case in court.”

Starting in 2023, ARC applied for two COVID-19-related tax credits, totalling nearly $7 million.

In July 2025, Robinson sold the rights to the first tax credit to a loan company, the indictment says. Under the agreement, the purchaser would pay ARC $2.7 million in exchange for a future repayment of the tax credit once the IRS funds arrived. Robinson signed that agreement, and later that month the buyer wired ARC the agreed amount. 

Read More

They Needed Treatment for Drug Addiction. The Company They Turned to May Have Used Them to Commit Fraud.

Soon after, the indictment says, Robinson “devised a scheme” to sell that same credit amount to a second company and in doing so “falsely represented” that the $2.7 million in initial tax credit was available to purchase. “Robinson concealed the prior transactions” to the new buyer, according to the indictment.

In November, Robinson signed an agreement with the second buyer, who sent a wire transfer that included $2.7 million for the twice-sold tax credit. 

In December, when the IRS paid ARC the COVID-19 tax refunds, “at Robinson’s direction, ARC spent the ERC [Employee Retention Credit] funds on other operational costs and debt obligations,” the indictment reads.

Keeton declined to comment further on the case, citing pending litigation. However, she said ARC continues to operate normally.

“All facilities, programs, and services remain open and fully operational,” Keeton said in an emailed statement. “Our leadership team, employees, and clinical staff remain committed to delivering high-quality care and support to the individuals and families we serve.”

Robinson faces 20 years in prison and a $250,000 fine, or twice the gain or loss, for the wire fraud count. Each money laundering count carries up to 10 years in prison and a $250,000 fine.

The post Founder of Kentucky Drug Rehab Center Indicted on Fraud and Money Laundering Charges appeared first on ProPublica.

Centro Ambientale Temporaneo (CAT) 06/06/26 aperto in orario mattutino.

Informiamo i cittadini che sabato 6 giugno il Centro Ambientale Temporaneo di Via dei Cordai effettuerà apertura con orario  9:00 – 12:00.

Il servizio sarà regolarmente attivo per il conferimento delle varie tipologie di rifiuto, nel rispetto delle normative vigenti.

Ricordiamo che i quantitativi e le tipologie di rifiuti accettati saranno quelli previsti dalla tabella.

Per ulteriori informazioni: 800-031.266, info@aamps.livorno.it, facebook/instagram/APP (“AAMPS Livorno”).

L'articolo Centro Ambientale Temporaneo (CAT) 06/06/26 aperto in orario mattutino. proviene da Aamps Livorno.

Iacomelli: “Ha funzionato il patto di collaborazione con i cittadini e gli esercenti”. Salvetti: “AAMPS/Retiambiente indispensabile per il successo di tutti i nostri eventi”.

In mezzo alla gente, ma con discrezione ed efficienza. Gli operatori di AAMPS/Retiambiente hanno contribuito alla riuscita dell’evento Straborgo che da venerdì 29 maggio a sabato 1 giugno ha visto migliaia di persone, tra cittadini e turisti, affollare le strade del quartiere. Una presenza continuativa per garantire la pulizia di Piazza Mazzini e delle strade limitrofe e realizzare la raccolta dei rifiuti sia con la vuotatura dei contenitori stradali sia con la raccolta dei materiali differenziati prodotti con quantitativi ingenti dagli esercenti della zona.

“Questa tipologia di manifestazione – commenta Aldo Iacomelli, Amministratore Unico AAMPS/Retiambiente – risulta per noi sempre particolarmente impegnativa soprattutto nel periodo estivo che prevede un’articolazione complessa dei nostri servizi di raccolta e spazzamento. Dobbiamo operare h24 e, allo stesso tempo, districarci tra la folla garantendo sempre le opportune condizioni di sicurezza per i nostri lavoratori e i cittadini. Siamo particolarmente soddisfatti nell’essere riusciti a dare il nostro contributo. Ho il piacere di sottolineare – conclude Iacomelli – la cooperazione che abbiamo riscontrato da parte degli organizzatori, degli abitanti del quartiere e degli esercenti che si sono prodigati per rispettare le regole straordinarie di conferimento dei rifiuti differenziati”.

“Lo dico da sempre – afferma Luca Salvetti, Sindaco di Livorno.  AAMPS/Retiambiente è un’azienda che funziona egregiamente nell’erogazione dei servizi resi alla cittadinanza e questi eventi ne sono la riprova. Senza i puntuali servizi di spazzamento e raccolta dei rifiuti non saremmo qui a parlare del successo di Straborgo. Ringrazio i lavoratori per il consueto impegno profuso, gli abitanti del quartiere per la disponibilità concessa e gli esercenti per avere collaborato al meglio delle rispettive possibilità. Ora sotto con le altre kermesse in programma per la lunga stagione estiva”.

L'articolo “Straborgo”: servizi di pulizia e raccolta rifiuti efficaci e puntuali proviene da Aamps Livorno.

Bonjour,

Je viens de créer un formulaire pour que les associations puissent faire un diagnostic de leur santé sociale et je voudrais qu’elles puissent accéder à leur résultat. Malheureusement, quand elles cliquent sur le lien reçu par mail pour y accéder, le message “accès refusé” apparaît. Est-ce qu’il faut avoir un compte framasoft pour pouvoir y accéder ? Ou bien y a-t-il un paramétrage que je dois modifier quelque part, pour qu’elles puissent y accéder librement ?

J’espère de tout cœur que c’est la 2ème option …

D’avance, merci à toutes et tous pour votre aide et vos réponses,

Nelly

2 messages - 2 participant(e)s

Lire le sujet en entier

Marianna Mitchem grew up in the Denver suburbs, where she played high school soccer. One day in April 1999, her team faced off against a nearby rival, Columbine High. The next day, two teenagers went on a shooting rampage at Columbine, killing more than a dozen people.

The massacre left an imprint on Mitchem. After graduating from Providence College, she joined the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives. “Fearing for my friends and watching what was happening — you don’t forget things like that,” she told me. “I wanted to make a difference.”

She started in the ATF’s Denver office as an industry operations investigator, the bureau’s term for inspectors who ensure that firearms dealers are conducting the required background checks on buyers and maintaining sales records. When the bureau found discrepancies, it tended to settle for reprimands and improvement plans, rarely going so far as to revoke a dealer’s license.

In 2021, things started to change. The country was experiencing a surge of deadly violence, with homicides up more than a third since 2019, and the administration of President Joe Biden was desperate to reverse the trend. For years, data had shown that a large share of guns used in shootings came from a small fraction of dealers, and that guns that were trafficked — sold by stores to straw purchasers (people other than the intended users) or resold on the street — were far more likely to be used in shootings.

Acting on this data, the administration in June 2021 announced what became known as “zero tolerance”: Dealers found to be willfully violating the law would lose their licenses, period. Revocations spiked, from fewer than 50 in 2019, 2020 and 2021 to a record 181 in 2023.

Also in 2021, Biden’s attorney general, Merrick Garland, started urging federal prosecutors to prioritize gun violence. A year later, Congress passed a law that added a firearms trafficking conspiracy charge to the federal criminal code, a crucial new tool for prosecutors.

After 2021, the homicide rate started falling, which criminologists attributed to several factors, including repair of the social fabric since the coronavirus pandemic and a closing of the breach in police-community relations that followed the 2020 murder of George Floyd. One other factor got less attention: the clampdown on the illegal flow of firearms.

The Biden administration struggled to broadcast its gains on public safety, and Donald Trump won the election in 2024 partly by vowing to restore order. By the time Trump reentered the White House, Mitchem had risen to associate assistant director for industry operations, overseeing inspectors across the country. “We were making incredible progress on trafficking, on violent crime,” she said late last year.

But the Trump administration, driven both by gun-lobby advocacy and its own political priorities, quickly set about undoing much of its predecessor’s moves to combat gun violence. It repealed the zero-tolerance policy, going so far as to invite revoked dealers to reapply for new licenses. It shifted hundreds of ATF agents to immigration work. And it scaled back on prosecutions for gun trafficking. The White House declined to comment, referring questions to the ATF and the Department of Justice.

The homicide rate fell further last year, but criminologists warn against complacency, because the illicit gun trade is a classic pipeline problem: The harm can take a while to make itself felt. Research has found that the typical “time to crime” for trafficked firearms ranges up to about three years, which means that any positive lag of the anti-trafficking efforts of the Biden years would still be in effect now, with any negative effects of the Trump pullback lying in the years to come.

Among those now sounding the alarm is Mitchem. Dismayed at the policy reversal, she left the ATF last spring, after 21 years, and joined Everytown, the gun-safety group founded by Michael Bloomberg.

“Just because no one is watching the trafficking pipelines right now doesn’t mean guns aren’t flowing through it. It just means they’re not being intercepted,” she told me.

“And as you walk away from that, and you don’t have your focus on that anymore,” she added, “that pipeline is going to be flowing, and we are going to start to see the violent crime impact from that over time.”

Estimates put the number of guns in the United States at close to 400 million, but the odds that any of them will be put to ill use rise exponentially if they are obtained illegally. Of the 2.3 million firearms traced from crime scenes between 2017 and 2023, half were bought less than three years earlier and 87% were recovered in possession of someone other than the original, legally authorized buyer. Over that period, stores sold almost 1.3 million guns to traffickers that were subsequently recovered in a crime, according to an Everytown analysis of ATF statistics.

This is why the laws governing gun sales carry such high stakes for public safety. But enforcement of these laws has long occupied an unusual no-man’s-land in this country, scrambling the standard political lines around criminal justice. Conservatives favoring tough-on-crime rhetoric are frequently torn when it comes to firearms trafficking: On the one hand, traffickers are helping fuel the violent crime that conservatives decry; on the other, prosecution of gun laws brushes against tenets that conservatives hold sacrosanct. It is liberals who are more likely to push for tougher enforcement, though they can be conflicted, too, as their belief in stricter gun laws runs up against a general preference for a less punitive approach to lawbreaking.

Marooned in this no-man’s-land for decades now has been the agency assigned the task of enforcing federal gun laws, the ATF. Going back to an episode at Ruby Ridge, Idaho, in 1992, where an ATF investigation of illegal gun dealing led to federal agents killing the wife and son of a white separatist, the ATF has been viewed with scorn by people who otherwise might side with armed government authorities. “ATF IS GAY” read the T-shirt worn by one attendee of a big gun show I attended earlier this year in Manassas, Virginia.

The agency’s radioactivity with the gun-rights lobby has left it on shaky political ground. It went seven years without a Senate-confirmed director. Its budget has not enjoyed the same expansion as that of other federal law enforcement agencies. And stringent laws constrain any ATF capabilities viewed as potentially threatening the rights of gun owners. To comply with a 1986 law preventing the creation of a federal gun registry, for example, the ATF uses software with some features disabled. Steve Dettelbach, who served as director under Biden, joked in a 2024 congressional hearing that the ATF might be “the only customer of Adobe Acrobat that pays money to remove search function.”

Despite these constraints, the ATF has developed its investigative capability. In the 1990s, the agency started sharing with local law enforcement agencies its National Integrated Ballistic Information Network, which collects the unique marks on bullet casings found at shooting scenes. The system has become much more potent as it became easier to share large numbers of images from crime scenes rapidly and compare them against the NIBIN database. The work was boosted further by the creation, starting in 2016, of 25 crime gun intelligence centers to process the data.

Given that a tiny share of the nation’s guns are used in shootings, with many of those used multiple times, the leads produced by the technology can have an outsized impact, said Daryl McCormick, who retired last year as special agent in charge of Ohio and southern Indiana. “It’s crazy how it might spiderweb out,” he told me, “because you have a gun that’s used in three shootings, but in one of those three shootings, there’s a guy that’s linked to three more shootings.”

Starting in the spring of 2020, that technology was put to the test. As homicides rose sharply, so did sales at dealerships. By one estimate, there were 3 million more guns sold between that March and July than would have been expected. Many soon turned up in shootings; the number of guns recovered at crime scenes that had been bought from a dealership less than a year earlier, an especially strong indicator of firearms trafficking, jumped by nearly a third from 2019 to 2021.

Meanwhile, many shootings involved ghost guns assembled from kits, which had begun proliferating a few years prior. Amid other factors driving the killing, the sheer plenitude of weaponry on the streets was pivotal, said Daniel Webster, a gun-violence researcher at Johns Hopkins University. “We know,” he told me, “that a small number of dealers can create a substantial amount of harm, and traffickers as well.”

In the spring of 2021, a 25-year-old man was summoned to help a friend in a confrontation at a low-income housing development in Middletown, Connecticut. It was a petty beef arising from disrespectful comments made to someone’s girlfriend, but Tylon Hardy responded anyway. “He was one of the guys who wanted to protect his community,” his sister, Tianna Hardy, told me later. “He showed up to protect his friend.” After he arrived, Tylon was fatally shot in the back.

Guns are tightly regulated in Connecticut, where buyers must first obtain a permit. But this gun had not been sold by a Connecticut store. It had been purchased six days earlier at Smokin’ Barrel Guns and Ammo in Raleigh, North Carolina, more than 600 miles away.

It was a particularly rapid movement up the Iron Pipeline, the name for the trafficking channel from southern states with lax gun laws to northern states with stricter ones. And it turned into a clear example of why trafficking enforcement matters. Investigators obtained camera footage from the shop showing a young man emerging after buying the gun, a Taurus 9 mm pistol, to make a call on his cellphone.

The following spring, the Biden-nominated U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of North Carolina, Michael Easley Jr., produced indictments in the case that started with the camera: Four people were charged with having engaged in a conspiracy to traffic dozens of guns from shops in eastern and central North Carolina. All told, the ringleader had bought more than 100 guns from straw purchasers in North Carolina; 10 of the guns surfaced at crime scenes in Connecticut and New Jersey. The ringleader ended up pleading guilty and being sentenced to more than 10 years in prison; the other three received sentences ranging from 18 months to five years.

Easley kept pursuing trafficking cases, poring over spreadsheets full of NIBIN data showing information for every gun traced from shootings in his district. His office would zero in on guns with a short “time to crime” from the initial sale and see if investigators could build leads from purchase records. His team made its interest in trafficking plain to the local ATF division, motivating agents to build cases. “Prosecutors have the ability to send a demand signal to the marketplace of agents, that we have an interest in these and if you bring us the cases, we will push them over the end zone and get convictions,” he told me.

Prosecutors kept getting more encouragement from Washington. In April 2022, the ATF issued a rule decreeing that ghost guns had to conform to the same regulations as regular firearms, including carrying serial numbers and requiring background checks.

Two months later, Biden signed the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act, which got crucial Republican backing from North Carolina Sen. Thom Tillis. In addition to the new trafficking conspiracy charge, the law included a new straw-purchasing charge, expanded background checks for buyers under 21 and funding for states with red-flag laws permitting gun confiscations from those judged dangerous. And a month after that, the Senate confirmed Dettelbach, giving the ATF its first confirmed director since 2015, one who had prosecuted gun crimes as U.S. attorney for the Northern District of Ohio.

Across the country, federal prosecutors took on trafficking cases with gusto. Over the remainder of Biden’s term, they charged more than 500 defendants using the new trafficking statutes; others brought cases using laws already on the books.

In Ohio, McCormick and his ATF colleagues took on a sprawling case that started with a shooting with a machine gun in Avondale, outside Cincinnati, and led to a six-year prison sentence for a 24-year-old man who had made and sold over 80 machine-gun conversion devices; two other men who trafficked the devices to Cincinnati gangs were sentenced to nine and 11 years. As in North Carolina, the Ohio agents were getting encouragement from prosecutors, including Kenneth Parker, the then-U.S. attorney for the Southern District of Ohio. “I made it clear, through my edicts, my announcements to them that we wanted those cases involving violence, that they know how seriously we were taking them,” he told me.

In February, I drove to Raleigh to meet with Easley and visit Smokin’ Barrel — or what used to be Smokin’ Barrel. The shop closed after the ATF revoked its license in early 2023, not for having sold the gun in the Connecticut case, but for an earlier incident, in which the owner sold a gun to an 18-year-old woman, in violation of North Carolina’s 21-year age minimum for buying a handgun. The shop, a small outbuilding adjacent to a used car lot, now sat empty; its fading sign still stood roadside.

Not far away, I found the former owner, Richard Humphries, at his home. He told me how upset he still was over the revocation, especially since, he said, he had self-reported the improper sale.

When I asked him about the Taurus that ended up being used six days later in the Connecticut killing, he initially had trouble recalling it, confusing it with another case in which a man had used a gun bought at the store to kill his wife. What was it like to learn about shootings with the guns he sold? “I hate it,” he said. “I hate that I sold it and he might have used it, but there’s nothing I can, you know …” He trailed off.

I pointed out that in the Connecticut case, investigators had been able to uncover the trafficking ring after tracing the gun to his shop. Was that a good use of resources? “Yeah,” he said. “I mean, they need to be able to do that. But they just, you know, they need to pay more attention to the crooks than people trying to make an honest living.”

I heard similar complaints from other dealers who had their licenses revoked during Biden’s term for transgressions they insisted were mere clerical mistakes. One in Indiana told me that his violations included a mix-up involving an Amish customer’s name; one in South Carolina told me his violations included filling out forms on behalf of elderly customers with shaky handwriting. “If it had been six months earlier, they would have given us a slap on the hand,” he said.

Even some within the ATF had misgivings, worrying that the policy would strain the agency’s relations with law-abiding dealers and make them less likely to offer alerts on suspicious behavior by buyers. “The industry is probably one of the best ways we get information about trafficking,” McCormick, the retired Ohio agent, told me. “But if there’s friction between us and the industry, they’re less likely to report it.”

Gun-safety advocates discounted that risk, saying the policy had both shut down many lawless stores and encouraged countless other sellers to make sure they were complying with the law. “It’s not only targeting bad dealers but sending a message to the entire industry: button up,” Josh Scharff, general counsel of Brady United, told me.

In 2024, revocations rose yet further, to 183. This represented a mere sliver of dealers — only 2% of those inspected that year — but it provoked new ire, not only from traditional lobby groups such as the National Shooting Sports Foundation and National Rifle Association but from ascendant groups of gun owners with even more aggressively anti-regulation stances.

Some dealers challenged their revocations in federal court. In 2023, the ATF revoked the license of a shop in the Phoenix suburbs, Chambered Group, after four inspections in five years turned up a host of violations. The business sought unsuccessfully to block the revocation in court, with a federal judge, Steven Logan, finding that the business had “purposefully disregarded [federal] regulations by repeatedly violating the same regulations despite being given multiple opportunities to cure its mistakes.” In 2024, one of the shop’s co-owners tried to get a new license under a slightly different name, Chambered Custom Firearms, and the ATF blocked him, noting his past role with the revoked store. (A lawyer for the shop declined to comment.)

But after Trump returned to the White House, his administration announced an end to the zero-tolerance policy, urged revoked dealers to reapply and started settling the court cases, one after another. In April 2025, the DOJ informed the court that it had started settlement talks in the Arizona case and a month later alerted it that Chambered Custom had submitted a new application “which ATF will expeditiously process.” It issued the license in July.

In Oregon, a dealer had gone to federal court to challenge the ATF’s 2024 denial of his license renewal for South Valley Firearms in the town of Monroe due to his past conviction for domestic violence. Trump’s DOJ initially contested the dealer’s bid, but early this year, the department notified his attorney out of the blue that his client would be getting his license, after all. “They didn’t give any explanation as to why,” said the lawyer, Leonard Williamson. “They just said, ‘Have him resubmit his application and we’ll give it to him.’”

The end of zero-tolerance was, on its own, hardly a surprise for an administration elected with the strong support of gun-rights and gun-industry groups. What has differed from the first Trump term has been the wholesale shift of resources away from the enforcement of gun trafficking laws and toward the immigration crackdown, both at the ATF and DOJ.

Last spring, the administration began shifting large numbers of ATF agents to a new assignment: assisting with Immigration and Customs Enforcement actions against undocumented immigrants. ICE records obtained by the libertarian Cato Institute in September showed that nearly 1,800 of ATF’s roughly 2,500 agents had taken part in enforcement and removal operations.

While ATF agents were shifted to immigration operations, criminal referrals fell. ATF referrals for common trafficking-related charges, including the two added in the 2022 law, decreased 15% in 2025 from 2024, according to a ProPublica analysis. Asked about the drop, ATF spokesperson Tanya Roman pointed at DOJ prosecutors. “Not every ATF referral is accepted by the [United States Attorney’s Office] for prosecution,” she said in a written response to questions.

Eventually, the shift toward immigration enforcement reached even beyond ATF’s agents to the industry operations investigators who inspect dealers. Terrence Robinson had served in that role for six years, based in Baltimore. He took pride in the work, but soon after Trump’s second term began, Robinson realized it would be a turbulent year for his agency. As part of the push by Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency to shrink the government, the ATF offered early retirement to many of its 800-odd inspectors. In the end, some 125 took the offer, threatening to overburden a corps already struggling to inspect even a sliver of the nation’s 130,000 licensed firearms dealers. “ATF does not comment on personnel matters,” Roman said.

Around the same time, Robinson went to inspect the location of an applicant for a dealership license in Baltimore. The city, long wracked by gun violence, has come to have virtually no licensed dealers within its boundaries; those that remain are mostly in the suburbs. Robinson was startled to discover that this applicant intended to sell guns from his apartment in a building downtown, a few blocks from Camden Yards. Robinson voiced his concerns to his supervisor, who told him that he had to approve it. “According to our rules and regulations now, he passed a criminal background check, and he’s a citizen, so …,” Robinson said. “It’s mind-boggling.”

Most upsetting, though, was the directive that he and other industry operations investigators received in late summer to start spending at least six hours per week on immigration-related work. It was hard to understand what this even meant — their job was to inspect firearms dealers. To comply, he began scouring dealers’ sales records looking for buyers with foreign-sounding names, which were then relayed to the Department of Homeland Security. This struck him as a monumental misuse of resources.

This was what pushed him over the edge and made him decide to take early retirement, too, in September. “I didn’t sign up to be an immigration person,” he said. “I’m just not that.”

Asked about such orders, the ATF’s Roman said: “In support of President Trump’s whole of government approach to combat illegal immigration, ATF is assisting the Department of Homeland Security and other federal law enforcement partners with their immigration enforcement efforts. To ensure operational security and the safety of our agents and partners, ATF does not disclose details or specific numbers of personnel deployments or enforcement activities.”

Now that Robinson was gone, his former team was down from 10 to six, with a temporary supervisor. He worried what the changes at ATF meant for public safety. “I’m not saying I can see the future, but I don’t see things getting better,” he said. “I see things getting worse.”

“Everyone’s been in a little bit of shock about what’s going on,” Marianna Mitchem said last December, speaking from the stage of a conference on gun violence at the Center for American Progress, the center-left think tank in Washington. She described what the ATF had accomplished in recent years, then she laid bare the extent of the pullback now underway.

Mitchem told the advocates that they would have to look to officials in their home states and cities to try to fill the void left by the Trump administration. “It’s up to the states to start tackling this trafficking problem, because unfortunately, you’re not going to have the support of the ATF,” she said.

This has already started happening in a few places. In the suburbs of Philadelphia, a city that suffered one of the worst pandemic-era homicide spikes but has since experienced dramatic improvement, county sheriffs have started doing more inspections of dealers to make up for the decline in ATF enforcement. A member of the conference audience asked Mitchem what else states could be doing to respond. Her answer suggested she wasn’t sure.

“ATF wasn’t always the most widely known agency. I think we sort of liked it that way. We did really, really good work and kept our head down,” she said. “And so now, you’re trying to let everybody know, unfortunately, there are still good people there, but they’ve been redirected.”

In February, Trump’s nominee to lead the agency, Robert Cekada, downplayed that redirection at his confirmation hearing. Cekada is a 20-year ATF veteran, a fact in which gun-safety advocates have tried to take some reassurance. Cekada testified that the agency was continuing to “do dealer inspections uninhibited.”

But ATF has made it much harder for researchers and the public to track that work. It took the administration more than 15 months to release a tally of how many dealer licenses it had revoked: 56 in 2025, down 69% from the year before. Cekada also challenged a report last fall that 80% of the ATF’s agents had been reassigned to immigration enforcement. The reassignment had never amounted to more than 100 agents at a given time, Cekada said. “ATF in those operations has been focused on offenders that were illegally armed with firearms,” he told senators.

But as the former federal prosecutors and ATF agents I spoke with noted, the key question when it comes to the fight against trafficking is whether prosecutors are seeking out cases. After all, the ATF investigates cases, but U.S. attorneys prosecute them. And here the evidence suggests a pullback. A ProPublica analysis shows that in the first year of the Trump administration, the DOJ declined 30% more referrals from the ATF for the main trafficking-related charges than it had the year prior. 

Despite the high rate of declinations for ATF referrals, the DOJ last year ended up prosecuting nearly as many gun-trafficking cases from all sources as it had in 2024. But a growing share of the cases, roughly 30%, were under the new trafficking conspiracy charges included in the 2022 law, which since its inception has proven especially useful in cases involving gun trafficking across the Mexican border: About a fifth of all people charged under that law over the course of 2024 and 2025 are in a single district, western Texas. Asked about the rise in declinations of ATF referrals and the shift toward border-related cases, DOJ spokesperson Katie Kenlein said, “The department declines to comment on prosecutorial strategy.”

Webster, the Johns Hopkins researcher, said numbers leave little doubt as to the shift away from general anti-trafficking enforcement. “Everything is diverted,” he said. “It’s all about immigrants.”

On April 29, right after being confirmed as ATF director, Cekada announced 34 proposed rule changes, including requiring dealers to hold records for only 20 or 30 years, not indefinitely, and limiting ATF scrutiny of the state-issued permits that can replace background checks for buyers. “We are proposing to remove unnecessary hurdles that were standing in the way of law-abiding citizens and businesses,” he said, flanked by leaders of the NRA and National Shooting Sports Foundation.

One crucial Biden-era reform has persisted: the clampdown on ghost guns. The 2022 ATF regulation survived a Supreme Court challenge last year, and lawsuits by several cities helped drive the leading producer of ghost guns out of business. Webster and other criminologists note that the reduced flow of ghost guns correlates with a sharply lower rate of shootings by teenagers, who had been heavy users of the guns during the 2020-21 homicide surge.

Even that progress seemed as if it might be at risk. In early April, a joint status report issued to the federal court in Texas where the case originated stated that “ATF has advised that it plans to take agency action to amend the challenged rule” (even though the rule has been upheld by the Supreme Court). A day later, the White House’s 2027 budget called for reversing “the imposition of excessive restrictions on homemade firearms.” But five days after that, the DOJ notified the court in the Texas case that “the government has decided to maintain the definition” that underlies the ghost gun rule. Asked for clarification, the ATF’s Roman said last week: “ATF is still conducting legal reviews for other, more technically challenging rules. If changes are needed following the review, a proposal will be published.” For now, one key valve in the pipeline remains closed.

The post “No One Is Watching”: How Trump Reversed Biden’s Crackdown on Gun Trafficking appeared first on ProPublica.

  Di Alessia Vignali per ComeDonChisciotte.org   Come per l’uomo religioso descritto da Mircea Eliade, anche per il consumatore lo spazio non è omogeneo. Per l’uomo religioso, la non omogeneità dello spazio si manifestava in una contrapposizione tra lo spazio sacro, l’unica cosa per lui realmente esistente, e tutta la restante, informe distesa che lo […]

L'articolo RELIGIONE DEI CONSUMI, UN UNIVERSO AL COLLASSO? proviene da Come Don Chisciotte.

una testimonianza di memoria e speranza per ricordare le vittime di Crans Montana, teatro a Capodanno di un devastante incendio costato la vita a 41 persone. Una vicenda che ha profondamente scosso il Paese.

Al Villaggio Fondazione Roma, la struttura di assistenza ai malati di Alzheimer e Parkinson, sei abitazioni sono state intitolate ai sei italiani morti nel rogo: Achille Barosi, Chiara Costanzo, Emanuele Galeppini, Riccardo Minghetti, Sofia Prosperi e Giovanni Tamburi.

Questa iniziativa, precisa la fondazione, «nasce da una profonda riflessione sul valore del ricordo e assume una valenza simbolica ancora più forte, proprio per la natura stessa del luogo in cui prende forma».

Dal 2018 ad oggi, si spiega, «il Villaggio ha ospitato in modo del tutto gratuito più di 300 persone, realizzando un’esperienza unica nel panorama socio-assistenziale pensata specificamente per malati di Alzheimer e Parkinson di livello medio o moderato».

Oltre la tragedia

Proprio al Villaggio Fondazione Roma, in uno spazio dedicato a chi, per motivi patologici, perde progressivamente i propri ricordi, attraverso questa iniziativa, «la Fondazione Roma e le famiglie coinvolte, hanno scelto di guardare oltre la tragedia, costruendo un percorso condiviso».

L’obiettivo, chiarisce l’ente, è «creare un ponte tra la fragilità degli assistiti e la comunità del Villaggio, che nel quotidiano si farà custode della memoria dei sei ragazzi scomparsi, affinché resti sempre viva e non si affievolisca».

Un messaggio di speranza sul valore della vita

In questo contesto il murales dell’artista italo-filippino Jerico, che ritrae i sei giovani volti, «vuole essere un simbolo visivo capace di parlare ad ogni visitatore, residente ed operatore, trasformando il dolore in una testimonianza indelebile, con un messaggio di speranza che celebri il valore della vita».

Oltre al tributo alle vittime, si mette in evidenza, «l’intera iniziativa intende porsi come monito ed auspicio, affinché drammi simili non si ripetano, ribadendo l’impegno costante della Fondazione nel promuovere contesti ed iniziative a tutela della dignità integrale della persona».

Scopri i numeri della filantropia e i 100 profili di chi investe nel bene comune su VITA magazine di ottobre ‘‘Nella testa dei filantropi”

Leggi/Abbònati

La sfida della memoria

«Le nostre vite», fanno sapere le famiglie, «sono state segnate indelebilmente dalla tragedia che ci ha travolti e sarebbe stato semplice abbandonarsi allo sconforto ed al rancore. Invece no, abbiamo sfidato noi stessi decidendo di onorare la memoria dei nostri figli rendendo la luce dei loro sorrisi talmente fulgida da offuscare il buio della nostra disperazione».

In questi mesi, hanno sottolineato ancora, «ci siamo stretti l’uno all’altro e sostenuti tanto da percepirci come un’unica famiglia. La Fondazione Roma ha cementato questa nuova realtà, allargato questa famiglia regalandole un ulteriore valore: in un luogo nel quale i ricordi svaniscono, rimarrà indelebile, nel quotidiano, la presenza dei nostri angeli, nella speranza che i loro volti con le loro espressioni possano perpetuare la loro energia, spandendone la gioia di vivere e la fiducia nel futuro, che in nessuno di noi dovrebbe scemare. Un sincero ringraziamento va al Card. Giovanni Battista Re che ha officiato la cerimonia di intitolazione e per la sua preghiera piena di conforto e speranza».

In apertura il murales dell’artista italo-filippino Jerico che ritrae i volti dei sei ragazzi vittime del rogo di Crans Montana. Nel testo un’immagine dell’inaugurazione. Foto da ufficio stampa Fondazione Roma

L'articolo Crans Montana, al Villaggio Fondazione Roma la memoria diventa speranza proviene da Vita.it.

Approvato il bilancio 2025, è il settimo consecutivo. Il Sindaco: “AAMPS orgoglio della città”

Ratificando un utile di 252.000 € l’Assemblea dei Soci di AAMPS ha approvato nei giorni scorsi il bilancio aziendale 2025. Un risultato in linea con quanto registrato negli anni precedenti, comprendendo anche quelli relativi all’uscita anticipata dal concordato preventivo in continuità, con i bilanci che avevano ottenuto analoghi risultati (965.202€ nel 2019, 2.2912.441€ nel 2020, 515.035€ nel 2021, 94.835€ nel 2022, 131.270€ nel 2023 e 145.704 € nel 2024).

La notizia era stata anticipata nei giorni scorsi durante una conferenza stampa dedicata ai bilanci di tutte le aziende partecipate del Comune di Livorno, ma il Sindaco di Livorno Luca Salvetti, affiancato dall’Amministratore Unico Aldo Iacomelli e dalle assessore Viola Ferroni e Giovanna Cepparello, ha tenuto ad aprire un faro su AAMPS/Retiambiente.

Luca Salvetti, Sindaco di Livorno

“Sono orgoglioso di questa azienda, dei servizi che eroga e di tutti i suoi lavoratori. Nel 2019 abbiamo trovato AAMPS in concordato preventivo, con un futuro a dir poco incerto e il rischio concreto di vederla soccombere sotto il peso di conti sballati e servizi alla cittadinanza inadeguati. Ora registriamo l’ennesimo bilancio in utile consecutivo, con il personale incrementato e stabilizzato e prospettive di consolidamento e sviluppo prima impensabili. In tale percorso siamo riusciti a traghettarla in RetiAmbiente consolidandone la vocazione industriale e riuscendo a contenere la TARI senza aumentarla per cinque anni e allineandola agli importi degli altri capoluoghi di provincia della Toscana. Sono i fatti che ci permettono di respingere al mittente le accuse sollevate recentemente da alcuni esponenti dell’opposizione in consiglio comunale ammantate di macroscopiche inesattezze e castronerie indecifrabili sia riconducibili all’azienda sia alla sua holding”.

Viola Ferroni, assessora alle Società Partecipate

“AAMPS ha fatto un incontrovertibile cambio di passo tornando ad essere un’azienda in salute con un ruolo di primo piano sia nell’erogazione dei servizi alla cittadinanza sia tra le società operative locali dell’Ato Toscana Costa che compongono la galassia Retiambiente e dove l’azienda riveste un ruolo di primo piano assoluto. Il cammino è stato impervio con ostacoli che sembravano insormontabili. Oggi siamo invece nella possibilità di guardare al futuro con grande ottimismo e rinnovate prospettive di consolidamento sia sul versante economico-finanziario sia su quello dello sviluppo industriale”.

Giovanna Cepparello, assessora alla Gestione dei rifiuti e Igiene ambientale

“I numeri sono dalla nostra parte e ci dicono che AAMPS può cogliere risultati importanti inerenti la vocazione ambientale che è chiamata a rappresentare ed esprimere. Nonostante mesi di particolare difficoltà, dovuti a contingenze operative affrontate con impegno e sacrificio da parte di tutti, oggi l’azienda può guardare in avanti con rinnovato entusiasmo e approssimarsi ad innovare e introdurre importanti cambiamenti nella gestione dei rifiuti a livello locale in linea con le strategie condivise con le altre SOL del gruppo Retiambiente. Chiederemo ai cittadini la consueta collaborazione con l’obiettivo di aumentare le percentuali di raccolta differenziata, conferendo materiali di maggiore qualità, e allo stesso tempo continuare a diminuire la produzione dei rifiuti nelle rispettive abitazioni”.

Aldo Iacomelli, Amministratore Unico

AAMPS è un fiore all’occhiello di Livorno. Una società interamente pubblica che eroga servizi ambientali a favore della città fin dal 1949 con grande efficacia ed efficienza impegnando 421 lavoratori in moto perpetuo nella raccolta dei rifiuti, nella pulizia delle strade e nei servizi cimiteriali e commerciali. Tutto questo con i conti sotto controllo suffragati anche dall’assenza di debiti e avendo comunque effettuato importanti investimenti, attingendo a finanziamenti dedicati, senza fare ricorso al credito bancario. Il tutto nella massima trasparenza richiesta ad una società in house providing in affiancamento alla sua holding con la quale condividere strategie industriali ben ponderate”.

L'articolo AAMPS/Retiambiente: ancora un bilancio in utile proviene da Aamps Livorno.

Alla raccolta solo alcune modifiche nelle aree Livorno Est e Picchianti-Porta a Terra

In vista della festività di martedì 2 giugno AAMPS/Retiambiente conferma che il servizio di raccolta dei rifiuti si svolgerà regolarmente. Sono previsti solo alcuni cambiamenti negli itinerari di interesse per gli abitanti delle aree Livorno Est e Picchianti-Porta a Terra.

Ecco il dettaglio suddiviso per Aree valido per la raccolta nel giorno della Festa della Repubblica:

Area Livorno Nord
Indifferenziato: servizio attivo con esposizione del materiale dalle ore 21.00 di lunedì alle 5.00 del giorno di raccolta.

Area Sant’Jacopo Marradi
Il calendario ordinario non prevede il servizio di raccolta il lunedì.

Area Vittoria Stazione Zola
Carta-cartone: servizio attivo con esposizione del materiale dalle ore 21.00 di lunedì alle 5.00 del giorno di raccolta.

Area Livorno est
Organico: servizio anticipato alla mattina (valido solo per le utenze che espongono il materiale con il mastello dalle ore 21.00 di lunedì alle 5.00 del giorno di raccolta).

Area Picchianti – Porta a Terra
Organico: servizio anticipato alla mattina (valido solo per le utenze che espongono il materiale con il mastello dalle ore 21.00 di lunedì alle 5.00 del giorno di raccolta).

Area Ardenza – La Rosa
Organico: servizio attivo la mattina (valido solo per le utenze che espongono il materiale con il mastello dalle ore 21.00 di lunedì alle 5.00 del giorno di raccolta).

Livorno Sud
Carta-cartone: servizio attivo con esposizione del materiale dalle ore 21.00 di lunedì alle 5.00 del giorno di raccolta.

Pentagono

Multimateriale: servizio attivo con esposizione del materiale dalle ore 19.30 alle 20.00 del giorno di raccolta.

Aree Pentagono e Centro Allargato
Tutti i contenitori stradali presenti nelle aree “Pentagono” e “Centro Allargato” saranno regolarmente vuotati. Il Centro di raccolta “Livorno Sud” e il “Centro del riuso creativo” saranno chiusi martedì e riapriranno il giorno seguente. Servizio di raccolta pannolini/pannoloni: non effettuato nei giorni festivi.

Ringraziamo i cittadini per la consueta collaborazione. Per ulteriori informazioni: 800-031.266, info@aamps.livorno.it, facebook/instagram/APP (“AAMPS Livorno”).

L'articolo Rifiuti: quali servizi nella festività del 2 giugno proviene da Aamps Livorno.

È una classifica che ha l’obiettivo di mettere in evidenza quali sono le aziende europee che hanno fatto più progressi nella riduzione delle emissioni di gas serra.

Si chiama Europe’s climate leaders 2026 ed è un elenco che concentra la sua attenzione su quelle aziende che hanno ottenuto la maggiore riduzione delle proprie emissioni principali tra il 2019 e il 2024: le cosiddette Scope 1 e 2, emissioni che derivano dalle attività operative dell’azienda e dall’energia che ha utilizzato.

A stilarla, per il sesto anno consecutivo, il Financial Times sulle informazioni raccolte dal provider di dati Statista: 600 le imprese virtuose.

L’azienda con il punteggio più alto è Fortum, società finlandese attiva nei settori dell’energia e dei servizi di pubblica utilità. Al secondo posto si posiziona la società di servizi professionali Accenture, mentre la società francese di software Dassault systèmes si piazza al terzo posto.

E le italiane? Sono 60 e tra loro figurano anche Enel, Safilo, Intesa Sanpaolo, A2A, Pirelli, Campari, Cassa depositi e prestiti, Ferrari, Poste Italiane, Generali e Banca Generali (QUI l’elenco completo).

Il Piano di Generali

Il riconoscimento, fa sapere in particolare il Gruppo Generali, «conferma l’efficacia dell’approccio alla sostenibilità e del Piano di transizione climatica: una direzione integrata nella strategia del gruppo, che definisce impegni, leve, risorse e meccanismi di governance attraverso cui Generali promuove una transizione giusta verso un’economia a zero emissioni nette, nelle attività assicurative, di investimento e operative, entro il 2050»

Ambizioni, si specifica, «che sono supportate da obiettivi intermedi al 2030 e che mirano a favorire un modello economico e sociale più sostenibile».

Specifiche leve di decarbonizzazione

In particolare, sull’inclusione di Banca Generali nella classifica, per il gruppo si tratta di «un riconoscimento che riflette il percorso strutturato e avviato da tempo dalla banca, concretizzatosi nell’adozione del Piano di transizione climatica all’inizio del 2025»

Il piano, si chiarisce, «definisce obiettivi di decarbonizzazione sia per le attività operative sia per il portafoglio investimenti, con target intermedi al 2030 e l’obiettivo di lungo periodo di emissioni Net-zero al 2040, supportati da specifiche leve di decarbonizzazione».

Piano strategico che dimostra efficacia

L’inclusione tra gli «Europe’s climate leaders», sottolinea Lucia Silva, group chief sustainability officer di Generali, «rappresenta un riconoscimento importante dei progressi compiuti da Generali nel contrasto al cambiamento climatico delineati nel Piano di transizione approvato dal Consiglio di amministrazione del gruppo».

I risultati raggiunti, spiega, «dimostrano l’efficacia del nostro piano strategico e la nostra capacità di integrare la sostenibilità nel core business, contribuendo concretamente a una transizione verde e giusta».

Fattori di sostenibilità e business integrati

Per Carmelo Reale, general counsel & group sustainability di Banca Generali, «l’inclusione tra gli Europe’s climate leaders conferma il percorso intrapreso da Banca Generali e il costante impegno nell’ambito Esg, volto all’integrazione dei fattori di sostenibilità nel modello di business e al rafforzamento di un framework orientato alla promozione di investimenti responsabili e alla creazione di valore nel lungo termine».

In questo percorso, dice ancora, «si inserisce il Piano di transizione cimatica approvato dal nostro Consiglio di Amministrazione, che definisce obiettivi chiari di decarbonizzazione e guida l’evoluzione della Banca verso un modello sempre più sostenibile».

Resta informato su ProdurreBene.

In apertura foto da Andrey K per Unsplash. Nel testo foto da ufficio stampa Banca Generali

L'articolo Riduzione delle emissioni, quelle 60 aziende italiane che sfidano l’Europa proviene da Vita.it.

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Uno dei server di posta è al temporaneamente irraggiungibile per un problema con il provider relativo. UPDATE: era un problema hardware, è stato risolto.

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Un provider presso cui ospitiamo uno dei nostri server sta avendo dei problemi oggi, alcune caselle di posta sono temporaneamente irraggiungibili. Stiamo aspettando ulteriori notizie.

AGGIORNAMENTO: Problema risolto alla fine.

One of the providers that host our servers is having some issues today. As a consequence, some mailboxes are temporarily unavailable. We’re waiting for more news to understand how to proceed.

UPDATE: The issue has been resolved, all affected mailboxes are online again.