Contextual defense helps security teams connect the signals, anticipate what comes next, and stop threats before they escalate.

The post Context Is King in the Fight Against Modern Cyberattacks appeared first on SecurityWeek.

Et pour nous soutenir, c'est par ici : https://soutenir.framasoft.org

Même si nous ne sommes pas une association de développeur·euses, Framasoft envoie plein de petits correctifs de ce genre toute l'année (et nous oublions d'en recenser la plupart), n'hésitez pas à consulter les pages sur https://wiki.framasoft.org/contributions pour en voir plus.

Développeur·euses d'applications Nextcloud, n'hésitez donc plus à traduire les titres et les descriptions dans les méta-données de vos applications !

Avec la dernière version de @nextcloud sortie aujourd'hui, et grâce à une contribution de Framasoft, les noms des applications s'affichent désormais correctement dans la bonne langue lors d'une mise à jour.

https://github.com/nextcloud/server/pull/64283

Most of the data is related to applications, claims, and payments submitted between 2007 and 2025.

The post UK Legal Aid Agency Hack Scope Widens After Forensic Review appeared first on SecurityWeek.

Bonjour,

j’ai un framapad v1 ouvert via un compte qui, depuis la copie d’une ligne un peu longue, voit son contenu « mangé » à gauche (on ne voit pas les premiers caractères de chaque ligne), et donc décalé à droite.

J’utilise Firefox 153.4.0esr (64 bits) sous Debian 13.

La cause du problème est clairement l’intro d’une ligne contenant une url (trop) longue, mais voyez-vous un souci de résoudre ce souci plus simplement qu’en rechargeant ?
Merci

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Roughly 700 French supermarkets were hit by the cyberattacks, for which no group has claimed responsibility.

The post Supermarket Refrigeration Attack Widens to Copeland, Dixell Controllers appeared first on SecurityWeek.

Delivered via phishing, the malware provides reconnaissance, remote execution, and data exfiltration capabilities.

The post CikaBika Bot RAT Uses Discord for C&C appeared first on SecurityWeek.

The Hirudo malware combines elements of a traditional banking trojan and a full-featured RAT.

The post Novel Android RAT ‘Hirudo’ Replaces Banking Apps With Trojanized Copies appeared first on SecurityWeek.

Last month, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott repeated a claim he’s made for the past five years. He stated that the number of people crossing the Texas-Mexico border illegally “posed an ongoing and imminent threat” across the state. In doing so, he renewed a border security disaster proclamation that has greatly expanded his powers without going through the state Legislature.

Abbott’s declaration stands in sharp contrast to the numbers reported by the Trump administration, which says the drop in the flow of migrants crossing the border has been unprecedented and has reached historic lows since it took over in January 2025. 

Yet, since Abbott first declared an emergency at the border during the Biden administration in 2021, he’s renewed or amended the proclamation at least 69 times — 21 of those during Trump’s tenure. 

The Republican governor, who is running for his fourth term next month, has consolidated power like no Texas governor before him, building on his predecessors’ efforts to strengthen what by design is supposed to be a “weak governor” state as the constitution limits what can be done without legislative approval, ProPublica and The Texas Tribune have reported. One of the methods he’s used to do that is issuing executive orders and disaster declarations that allow him to shift funds, suspend regulations and award no-bid contracts at times of emergency. 

Since January 2025, two of the top agencies involved with border enforcement — the Department of Public Safety and the Texas Military Department — have awarded more than $5 million in noncompetitive contracts citing the emergency for items like a Ford F-150, rifles and apartments, state records show.

“I think it’s unprecedented,” said Cal Jillson, a political science professor at Southern Methodist University in Dallas. “I don’t think that there is a similar example, certainly not as to the length of the emergency, and certainly not after the emergency has seemed to pass.” 

Abbott’s office did not respond to specific questions for this story, including about the noncompetitive contracts, but Deputy Press Secretary Madeline Waschak said in a written statement that the governor has been clear that border security is an ongoing priority.

“The damage caused by four years of failed border policies under Democrat rule did not disappear overnight, and the progress we have made will not sustain itself without continued vigilance,” she wrote.

“Securing the border requires constant, deliberate action to combat illegal crossings, cartel smuggling, fentanyl trafficking, and other criminal activity that threatens public safety in Texas. Governor Abbott will ensure the tools remain in place to safeguard our state as we work alongside the Trump Administration to deter, arrest, detain, and deport illegal immigrants,” she added.

At the time of Abbott’s first border declaration, four months into President Joe Biden’s term, Border Patrol was making more than 180,000 apprehensions along the southwest border in a single month. According to Abbott, the federal government’s inability or unwillingness to enforce immigration laws had created a humanitarian crisis in many communities in Texas. 

“The Biden Administration’s open-border policies have enabled escalating violence from the cartels, dramatically increased the risk of human trafficking, and created a severe crisis of illegal drugs crossing into the United States,” the order stated.

Since then, apprehensions along the southwest border have dropped on average to about 8,000 a month this year. 

The border security declaration remains Abbott’s longest continuously running emergency proclamation. Abbott similarly renewed his 2020 COVID-19 disaster declaration for three years, even as he downplayed the severity of the pandemic. 

“This is the quiet power of the governor,” said Brandon Rottinghaus, a professor of political science at the University of Houston. “It’s not something often that they brag about because the more that it becomes a political issue, the more that there might be some contestation of it.”

Other than border security, the governor’s second longest-running emergency declaration is related to droughts. He declared a state disaster in July 2022 and within days amended it bringing the total of counties to 189. He’s continued to renew it, but now it applies to about a third of the counties originally identified.

State lawmakers have repeatedly tried — and failed — to curb the governor’s powers under the state’s disaster act. Last year, legislators from both parties filed at least a handful of measures that would mandate Abbott get approval from the Legislature if he wanted to extend a disaster declaration, but none passed. 

Abbott’s emergency declarations have been accompanied by record spending on border security efforts. Texas budgeted over $11 billion during the Biden administration and allotted an additional $3 billion last year, after Trump took office. 

It’s all part of Abbott’s Operation Lone Star, an initiative he launched in March 2021 contending it was needed to stem the smuggling of drugs and people into the country through Texas. Because of the emergency declaration, police could charge immigrants with criminal trespassing for crossing the border through private property, and the governor was able to shift money from other agencies to fund the operation and build border barriers, deploy the National Guard and get help from other states. 

Much of the funding for Operation Lone Star is funneled through the Texas Military Department and DPS, two of the agencies responsible for major enforcement efforts. But the governor’s share of border spending has also ballooned since Abbott took office over a decade ago. State lawmakers allotted his office nearly $230 million last year to distribute through grants, largely to local prosecutors and government agencies helping the state with Operation Lone Star.

Though the situation on the ground has changed, one aspect of the emergency declaration has remained constant: the ability of state agencies to award noncompetitive contracts. 

DPS and the Texas Military Department have awarded at least six noncompetitive contracts so far during the second Trump administration for work related to the operation where they cite an emergency. This includes a more than $2 million contract to Texas-based CTC Gunworks LLC for rifles and pistols for active-duty personnel. CTC Gunworks officials could not be reached for comment. 

Officials with the Texas Military Department referred questions about its procurement process to the governor’s office. A DPS spokesperson said in a written statement that even though the disaster declaration allows for expedited purchases, the department still follows best practices and “aims to select vendors offering the best value, determined by cost, quality, and ability to meet the specific disaster response requirements.” 

Regarding the specific contracts, the DPS spokesperson said they were purchases tied to existing state contracts.

The continued funding and expansion of Operation Lone Star has come even as it’s been plagued with problems. In 2022, an investigation by ProPublica, the Tribune and The Marshall Project found that the state’s reported success included arrests unrelated to the border or immigration and counted drug seizures made by troopers from across the state who were not directly assigned to the operation. The Tribune and Army Times also exposed poor working conditions, pay delays and suicides among National Guard members deployed as part of Operation Lone Star.

During a Tribune-hosted event this week with state lawmakers from El Paso, Democratic state Rep. Mary González, vice chair of the Appropriations Committee, said state legislators have already started to scale back when it comes to border funding and there’s interest from both sides of the aisle to continue to do so in the upcoming legislative session.

“I think that the problem is that some of that border security money still lies in the governor’s office which has no checks and balances and because we are still under an emergency — which is not an emergency anymore — an emergency border security statement which he can just use that money, you have seen some questionable appropriations under the veil of border security,” she said.

Abbott, however, has repeatedly said that Texas’ work in securing the border is not over.

“We must secure the border not just for the next two years of the Trump administration, but we gotta do it forever,” Abbott said at a press conference in early October where he discussed the federal government’s $7.5 billion reimbursement for border security expenses the state had incurred. 

Rottinghaus said that Texas will always have to confront border crossings and drug trafficking, but the existence of those problems don’t always justify an emergency declaration. 

“Even someone who strongly supports the governor’s board of policies might ask whether they want a future governor of the opposite party using the same interpretation of emergency authority for years,” Rottinghaus said, adding that the issue is that “governors, once they get a power, are hesitant to give it back.”

The post Trump Says the Border Is Secure. Texas Gov. Greg Abbott Keeps Declaring an Emergency. appeared first on ProPublica.

Personal information such as names, addresses, Social Security numbers, and driver’s license numbers was compromised.

The post CenterPoint Energy Data Breach Impacts 1 Million Texans appeared first on SecurityWeek.

Bonjour à toutes et à tous !

Je me présente, Zlormack, passionné d’informatique et utilisateur de Linux Mint.

J’aime découvrir de nouvelles solutions informatiques, comprendre le fonctionnement de Linux et imaginer des outils qui pourraient simplifier la vie des utilisateurs.

Mon projet actuel

Je réfléchis à la création d’un logiciel destiné aux utilisateurs de Linux Mint.

Plusieurs fonctionnalités m’intéressent :

• La sauvegarde et la restauration des fichiers et paramètres.

• Le transfert de données entre deux ordinateurs.

• La réinstallation automatique des logiciels.

• Le diagnostic et la résolution de problèmes.

Mais plutôt que de développer un logiciel sans connaître les attentes des utilisateurs, j’ai décidé de commencer par une petite étude des besoins.

Mon sondage Linux Mint

J’ai créé un questionnaire pour recueillir les avis des particuliers, des professionnels et des passionnés de Linux.

Sondage – Projet logiciel Linux Mint

Les réponses m’aideront à identifier les fonctionnalités réellement utiles et à mieux orienter mon projet.

Retrouvez-moi également sur Mastodon

Je partage mes réflexions et l’évolution de mes projets informatiques sur mon compte :

ZlormaLinuxM 🐧 | Projets Linux (@ZlormaLinuxM@mastodon.social) - Mastodon

Pourquoi rejoindre Framacolibri ?

Je souhaite découvrir davantage l’univers du logiciel libre, échanger avec des personnes qui partagent cette passion, apprendre de leurs expériences et recevoir des conseils constructifs.

Je suis également intéressé par les logiciels existants qui pourraient répondre aux besoins que j’étudie.

Je suis encore au début de mon projet et je reste ouvert aux idées, aux critiques et aux suggestions.

Au plaisir d’échanger avec vous !

Zlormack

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Bonjour à toutes et à tous !

Je suis utilisateur de Linux Mint et je travaille actuellement sur un projet personnel de développement logiciel.

Mon objectif : créer un logiciel utile aux utilisateurs de Linux Mint, en partant de leurs besoins réels.

Avant de me lancer dans le développement, je souhaite échanger avec la communauté du logiciel libre pour mieux comprendre les difficultés rencontrées au quotidien.

Plusieurs idées sont actuellement à l’étude :

• Faciliter la migration des fichiers et des paramètres entre deux ordinateurs.

• Simplifier la sauvegarde et la restauration du système.

• Automatiser la réinstallation des logiciels après une nouvelle installation.

• Proposer des outils de diagnostic et de dépannage accessibles aux débutants.

Je suis conscient que des solutions libres existent déjà pour certaines de ces tâches. Je souhaite donc également identifier ce qui pourrait réellement être amélioré, plutôt que de réinventer inutilement des outils existants.

Pour recueillir des avis, j’ai créé un petit questionnaire anonyme qui prend environ 2 minutes :

Sondage – Projet logiciel Linux Mint

Le questionnaire aborde notamment les fonctionnalités souhaitées et la question du prix éventuel d’un logiciel.

Je précise que le projet est encore au stade de réflexion. Aucun modèle économique n’est arrêté.

J’aimerais aussi connaître votre avis directement ici :

• Quelles difficultés rencontrez-vous sur Linux Mint ?

• Quels outils existants me conseilleriez-vous d’étudier ?

• Quelle fonctionnalité vous semble réellement manquer ?

• Un projet libre ou open source serait-il préférable selon vous ?

Toutes les critiques constructives et suggestions sont les bienvenues !

Merci d’avance pour vos retours et pour votre aide.

#LinuxMint #Linux #LogicielLibre

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Some 86 years ago, Missouri voters enshrined a system for selecting top judges that would remove political influence from the courts. And almost immediately, it came under attack.

Under what has come to be known as the Missouri Plan, lawyers help choose a slate of three candidates from which the governor must make an appointment for the state Supreme Court, appeals courts and, in some populous areas, the circuit courts. 

In the first years after adoption, it faced pushback from party bosses who had historically used judicial seats for political patronage. They said it gave too much power to the lawyers. Voters, though, decisively defeated a repeal measure in 1942. 

More recently, the conservative activist Leonard Leo, who viewed Missouri as a crucial battleground, tried in 2007 to persuade Republican Gov. Matt Blunt to reject a slate of Supreme Court candidates — part of a broader effort to weaken a judicial selection system that had become a model for some two dozen states around the country. 

Blunt resisted and picked one of the three judges from the approved slate. 

Then, in 2012, GOP lawmakers put a proposed overhaul before voters that, if approved, would have given the governor more control. Voters, by a 3-to-1 margin, turned back the plan.

Now the attacks are back, driven by a new grievance. 

At President Donald Trump’s behest, Republican lawmakers redrew the state’s congressional map in a mid-decade gerrymander. The goal: to give the GOP a shot at winning seven of Missouri’s congressional seats, instead of the six it now holds.

But voters gathered enough signatures to force a referendum on the map and put it on hold. While Secretary of State Denny Hoskins tried to keep the referendum off the ballot, the Missouri Supreme Court overruled him. It ordered the old map restored until voters decide on the new one. 

Hoskins, citing a federal court ruling that contradicted the state’s highest court, directed officials to use the new map anyway, prompting Chief Justice Brent Powell to demand that Hoskins appear in court to show why he shouldn’t be held in contempt.

Fourteen Republican lawmakers responded by threatening to impeach “responsible members of this Court” for “willful neglect of duty, incompetency and misconduct” if the justices held Hoskins in contempt; the court did so anyway. Hoskins backed down and instructed local election officials to distribute ballots using the old map; the justices decided not to have him arrested.

The drama played out as Republicans in Missouri and elected officials nationwide have sought to weaken institutions that limit their power. In North Carolina, the Republican-dominated General Assembly stripped authority from Democratic governors. In Wisconsin, Republicans threatened to impeach a newly elected Supreme Court justice to protect gerrymandered maps. And in New York, Democrats bypassed an independent commission to pass a gerrymander that favored them, but the state’s highest court struck it down.

Rather than electing top judges, as Illinois does, or giving the governor primary responsibility for choosing them, like California, Missouri selects its appellate and Supreme Court judges through a commission made up of three lawyers, one elected by lawyers in each appellate district; three non-lawyers appointed by the governor, one from each district; and a state Supreme Court judge selected by the court. After they are appointed, judges face a retention vote at the first general election after completing one year in office, then every 12 years, with voters deciding whether they keep their positions.

In response to the controversy, a number of Missouri Republicans have attacked the system. U.S. Rep. Jason Smith called for the state to switch to electing its Supreme Court judges. Republican Party executive director Miles Ross declared on X, “The Missouri Plan is done.” Dan Seitz, chief of staff to Sen. Brad Hudson, called for replacing it with a system in which the governor could nominate judges directly, subject to Senate confirmation.

State Rep. Cathy Jo Loy, a Carthage Republican who has introduced legislation in each of the past two sessions to replace the Missouri Plan with gubernatorial appointment and Senate confirmation, said she intends to file a new proposal Dec. 1, the first day lawmakers can file bills for next year’s session. Loy said her opposition to the system predates the recent clashes with the Supreme Court. But she acknowledged that those defeats could give the proposal new momentum.

“There will probably be more appetite because there are several senators that feel the same way,” she said.

Republicans, who hold every statewide elected office, supermajorities in both chambers of the legislature and six of the state’s eight congressional seats, seem to have suddenly found the limits of their power. At the ballot box, voters have overwhelmingly rejected major pieces of the party’s agenda, including an effort to weaken their power to bypass the legislature by amending the constitution or putting laws passed by lawmakers to a statewide vote. 

Time and again, when elected officials have sought to limit voters’ use of the ballot initiative, the courts have protected voters’ use of direct democracy. Courts repeatedly rewrote ballot summaries prepared by Republican state officials that they found unfair or misleading, including language describing the initiative that ultimately established abortion rights in 2024.

By the end of that year, after the Missouri Supreme Court rejected a last-minute effort by Republican lawmakers and anti-abortion activists to keep the abortion measure off the ballot, Senate President Pro Tem Cindy O’Laughlin was calling to repeal the Missouri Plan. She proposed replacing the system for selecting Supreme Court and appellate judges with a nonpartisan election. But her bill stalled in committee.

Then came Hoskins. The former state representative and senator from west-central Missouri took office as secretary of state in January 2025 and brought a more combative approach to overseeing elections and ballot measures. Hoskins made a bright-red sport coat his sartorial trademark, often posing with a wood baseball bat and speaking about politics as a series of battles and himself as a conservative warrior. 

Hoskins didn’t respond to questions sent to his office. He has previously said that he disagreed with any suggestion that he and Republican leaders were defying the will of voters. He hasn’t publicly called for changing how Missouri selects Supreme Court judges, but his office’s official X social media account reposted Smith’s message calling for the end of the Missouri Plan.

Gov. Mike Kehoe also complained, saying in a post on X that “unelected judges” have shown a “lack of respect for the legislative process.” On a radio show the next day, Kehoe acknowledged that changing how judges are selected hadn’t even been on his radar before the ruling.

“But I think it’s definitely something a lot of people are going to start asking about,” he said. “And I’m not sure the judges across our state, whether Supreme Court or other judges, really wanted that on people’s radar screen.”

Kehoe’s office said it would not respond to questions from ProPublica.

Although some Republicans have derided the state Supreme Court as being a bastion of liberal activists, five of the Supreme Court’s seven judges were appointed by Republican governors. Among them is Powell, whom the then-chair of the state GOP hailed as a “good conservative” before Republican Gov. Eric Greitens selected him in 2017.

Powell, who also serves as chair of the judicial selection commission, declined to comment for this story. In remarks on Sept. 17 to the joint annual meeting of the Missouri Bar and the Judicial Conference of Missouri, he warned of “threats from those who seek to detract from the ideals of our republic and to undermine faith in our sacred institutions — including our legal profession and our courts.”

“It is incumbent on all of us as lawyers and judges to rise up and defend our constitutions and the rule of law,” he added.

Whether there’s enough support to repeal the Missouri Plan remains to be seen. Peverill Squire, a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Missouri, said some of the bills that would eliminate the Missouri Plan might go to committee hearings, “but my guess is there probably won’t be enough appetite among enough Republicans to really want to put it on the ballot.”

Any change would ultimately have to be approved by the voters, something Loy acknowledged could be difficult after Republicans’ recent losses at the ballot box.

But the renewed calls have also mobilized the system’s longtime defenders. Ed Dowd, a former U.S. attorney who for two decades has helped lead the Citizens for Missouri Courts, a campaign that advocates for preserving the Missouri Plan, said the group has historically become most active when the system is under threat. 

Dowd’s St. Louis-based firm, Dowd Bennett, recently contributed $100,000 to the campaign.

“It’s something that we take very, very seriously and don’t want to take any chances on losing something that we have that works so well,” he said.

The post Frustrated by Losses in the Courts, Missouri Republicans Want to Change How Top Judges Are Selected appeared first on ProPublica.

I first posted on the Brave forum, but then tested it on Firefox and got the same results. It looks like the player scaling for mobile browsers needs to be adjusted. Huawei P40 Lite Android 10

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James Robinson never planned a cybersecurity career — seven companies and one deputy CISO role later, he leads security at Netskope.

The post CISO Conversations: James Robinson – Many Jobs, One Journey to Netskope CISO appeared first on SecurityWeek.

I nuovi occhiali smart Nothing sono in arrivo e promettono di trasformare il modo in cui interagiamo con la tecnologia indossabile. Secondo fonti autorevoli del settore, il marchio guidato da Carl Pei sta sviluppando non uno, ma due modelli distinti. Ogni versione è pensata per soddisfare esigenze diverse degli utenti.

Scopriamo insieme le caratteristiche tecniche e le funzionalità che potrebbero rendere questi dispositivi un punto di svolta.

Primo modello: privacy e funzioni smart senza compromessi

Il primo degli occhiali smart della Nothing si concentra sulla riservatezza. A differenza del secondo modello, questo dispositivo non include una fotocamera integrata. Una scelta dettata dalle crescenti preoccupazioni degli utenti riguardo alla sorveglianza invisibile.

Nonostante l’assenza dell’obiettivo, questi occhiali offrono numerose funzionalità avanzate, simili a quelle dei Ray-Ban di Meta:

• Riproduzione audio di alta qualità
• Chiamate vocali hands-free
• Accesso all’assistente vocale dello smartphone
• Lenti fotocromatiche che si adattano automaticamente alla luce ambientale

Le lenti fotocromatiche rappresentano una soluzione intelligente per chi cerca comodità senza rinunciare allo stile. Si scuriscono o si schiariscono in base alle condizioni di luce, garantendo sempre la massima visibilità.

Secondo modello: ChatGPT integrato e funzioni AI avanzate

Il secondo modello degli occhiali smart Nothing rappresenta la punta di diamante dell’innovazione. Questo dispositivo integra ChatGPT direttamente nel sistema, offrendo un’esperienza interattiva e immersiva.

Secondo le fonti, questa versione include anche una fotocamera e funzioni di traduzione in tempo reale. La presenza di ChatGPT suggerisce che questi occhiali potrebbero diventare un vero e proprio assistente personale. Il dispositivo sarà in grado di rispondere a domande, fornire informazioni contestuali e tradurre conversazioni al volo. Un’idea affascinante per chi cerca un dispositivo che vada oltre il semplice intrattenimento, diventando un compagno quotidiano.

Le funzionalità esatte non sono ancora state rivelate, ma considerando la reputazione di Nothing nel settore tech e il crescente interesse per l’intelligenza artificiale, è lecito aspettarsi soluzioni innovative che potrebbero ridefinire il concetto di wearable.

Design e aspetto estetico degli occhiali smart Nothing

Mentre le specifiche tecniche sono già un motivo di grande interesse, rimane ancora un’incognita: come saranno fatti questi occhiali smart Nothing?

Il marchio, noto per la sua attenzione al design, ha reso i suoi prodotti riconoscibili e apprezzati dal pubblico. Dai dispositivi Ear ai prodotti per la casa come il ricevitore Nothing Phone, l’azienda ha sempre puntato su soluzioni che uniscono forma e funzione.

Non è ancora chiaro se gli occhiali manterranno lo stile minimalista e translucido che caratterizza gli altri dispositivi di Nothing o se presenteranno un design completamente nuovo. Tuttavia, considerando l’importanza del fattore estetico per il marchio, è probabile che anche questi occhiali smart riflettano la stessa filosofia: belli da vedere, ma soprattutto funzionali.

Il design dei nuovi occhiali della Nothing potrebbe essere svelato solo con l’ufficializzazione dei prodotti, prevista per il 2027. Fino ad allora, non ci resta che fantasticare sulle possibili soluzioni che l’azienda potrebbe proporre.

Privacy o funzionalità? Quale modello scegliere

La scelta tra i due occhiali smart Nothing dipenderà dalle priorità dell’utente. Chi è particolarmente attento alla privacy potrebbe preferire il modello senza fotocamera, godendo comunque di funzioni smart avanzate come le lenti fotocromatiche e l’assistente vocale. D’altra parte, chi è alla ricerca di un’esperienza ancora più innovativa potrebbe optare per il modello con ChatGPT e fotocamera, accettando di buon grado i compromessi in termini di riservatezza.

Una cosa è certa: Nothing sta cercando di coprire tutte le esigenze del mercato, offrendo soluzioni diverse per utenti diversi.

Che siate più orientati verso la privacy o verso l’innovazione tecnologica, c’è probabilmente un modello di occhiali smart che fa al caso vostro.

Il futuro degli occhiali smart: oltre il 2027

Con l’annuncio di questi due nuovi modelli, Nothing si prepara a entrare in un mercato nuovo e potenzialmente redditizio: quello degli occhiali smart.

Il 2027, anno previsto per il debutto, è solo l’inizio. Carl Pei ha lasciato intendere che l’azienda ha ambizioni ancora più grandi, con l’intelligenza artificiale che rappresenta il vero motore dell’innovazione futura.

Se gli occhiali smart Nothing avranno successo, potremmo assistere a una vera e propria rivoluzione nel modo in cui interagiamo con la tecnologia. Immaginiamo dispositivi capaci di comprendere il contesto, anticipare le nostre esigenze e integrarsi perfettamente nella nostra vita quotidiana. Un futuro affascinante, che Nothing sembra pronta a plasmare. Per ora, non ci resta che aspettare e vedere come si svilupperà questa nuova avventura.

Una cosa è certa: il mondo dei wearable non sarà più lo stesso.

L'articolo Occhiali smart Nothing: due modelli innovativi in arrivo proviene da sicurezza.net.

Ce monsieur écoutait Buldozer de Trampa. Avec des écouteurs filaires.

David : Il faut remonter assez loin en vérité. Car c’est mon grand frère qui, durant une courte période, prenait des gens en photo écoutant de la musique. Je pense qu’inconsciemment cela m’est toujours resté en tête. J’ai également et parallèlement toujours été curieux de connaître ce que les personnes, que je croisais dans la rue ou les transports en commun, pouvaient bien écouter. Je me suis aussi demandé comment faire en sorte que d’autres personnes partageant ma curiosité puissent découvrir cette musique « cachée ». Donc je dirais que l’origine même du projet prend sa source à la fois dans cet héritage fraternel et cette curiosité personnelle.

Est-ce que tout le monde accepte de révéler sa musique ? Est-ce qu’il y a de la gêne à avouer qu’on écoute des comptines ou du Wagner dans la rue ? (ce sont des exemples, hein, on ne juge pas).

Cette dame écoutait Score Suite, par Marcelos Zarvos. Avec des écouteurs filaires.

• Une exposition interactive dans laquelle les portraits musicaux, dont le titre de la chanson et son/ses interprète(s) est/sont flouté(s), sont accrochés au-dessus d’un dispositif permettant l’écoute de différentes chansons. Les spectateur.ices doivent alors deviner le titre correspondant à celui que la personne écoutait lors de la prise du portrait.
• Une application mobile proposant à l’utilisateur.ice d’écouter un extrait du morceau lié au portrait musical, puis être redirigé.e vers la plateforme musicale de son choix pour écouter l’entièreté du morceau.

Ce monsieur écoutait Smells Like Teen Spirit, de Nirvana. Avec des écouteurs filaires.

Est-ce qu’il t’arrive de photographier des gens à leur insu ? Comment tu gères la question du droit à l’image ? Si je te demande ça, c’est qu’on sent un certain flou sur cette question des droits. Tu indiques sur ton site que ton projet est protégé à l’INPI, tes conditions générales mentionnent le classique droit d’auteur « standard ». Et tu nous présentes le projet, à nous, qui nous définissons comme « libristes ». As-tu songé à mettre tes œuvres sous licence libre ? Est-ce que c’est une réflexion que tu mûris ?

J’ai commencé l’illustration a peu près en même temps que la photographie (en 2013). C’est un medium qui me permet d’avoir une grande liberté, encore plus grande que la photographie. J’aime bien me présenter en tant qu’illustrateur de propos « connu pour ne pas l’être ». Mes illustrations sont en général assez légères, bien que de plus en plus orientées vers la mise en lumière de problèmes sociétaux, notamment du numérique (on y revient toujours !). 

The company says it’s aware of limited exploitation against customers’ firewalls, and it has made IoCs available.

The post Palo Alto Networks Patches PAN-OS Zero-Day Exploited for Remote Code Execution appeared first on SecurityWeek.

Unauthenticated, remote attackers could write arbitrary files to the operating system and execute commands with root privileges.

The post Cisco Warns of Exploited Secure Email Gateway Vulnerability appeared first on SecurityWeek.

Nearly half (49.8%) of organisations have confirmed or suspected that an AI agent took an unintended, unexpected or unauthorised action in the past year, according to new research from Salt Security.

The findings, published in the company’s State of Agentic AI and API Security 2H 2026 report, highlight growing concerns around the security of autonomous AI systems as enterprises increasingly integrate agents into everyday operations.

Based on a survey of more than 380 security and technology professionals, alongside Salt Labs production telemetry from hundreds of customer environments, the research suggests that AI adoption is outpacing organisations’ ability to monitor, govern and contain agent activity.

Among respondents who reported confirmed or suspected unintended agent actions, more than half experienced an unauthorised external API call or transaction, while over 40% reported an agent modifying or deleting data.

The research also found that AI agents are now firmly embedded in enterprise environments, with 86.4% of respondents reporting at least one operating within their organisation and 59.5% running more than ten. Furthermore, 76.8% reported agents capable of chaining actions across other agents, tools and APIs, creating complex sequences that may not have been anticipated by individual teams.

Despite this widespread adoption, visibility remains limited. Just 12.5% of organisations can consistently trace an agent’s complete journey, from its initial instruction through the tools and APIs it accesses to the final outcome. More than 60% would require hours or days of manual investigation to reconstruct an agent’s activity from the previous day.

The ability to respond to unexpected behaviour is similarly concerning. Only 17.5% of respondents said their organisation could automatically stop an AI agent behaving unexpectedly in production. For the majority, intervention remains a manual process, potentially requiring an application to be taken offline.

“The data shows a gap that is already producing real operational consequences,” said Roey Eliyahu, CEO of Salt Security. “Organisations are deploying agents and granting them access to enterprise data, APIs, and services before they can trace what those agents are doing or stop them automatically when something goes wrong.”

Shadow AI Infrastructure and AI-Generated Code Raise Further Concerns

The report also identified emerging risks associated with Model Context Protocol (MCP) infrastructure, which enables AI systems to interact with external tools and data sources.

Nearly a third (32.9%) of respondents reported discovering an unauthorised, shadow or misconfigured MCP server in the past year, while 54.3% had either confirmed or suspected encountering one.

Salt Labs’ own telemetry revealed that MCP-related infrastructure was detected in 21.6% of customer environments in August 2026, compared with 16.7% in January, representing a relative increase of approximately 30%.

Meanwhile, AI-generated code is introducing additional application security challenges. Some 83.5% of respondents estimated that AI-generated or AI-assisted code contributed to at least some of their application security findings.

However, just 6.8% reported resolving these issues directly within coding assistants at the point of generation, leaving vulnerabilities to be identified during subsequent code reviews, testing or after deployment.

Recent Manus Vulnerability Highlights Agentic AI Risks

The findings follow recent research from Salt Labs, which demonstrated how a single malicious email could be used to hijack the Manus agentic AI platform and potentially access a user’s connected email, cloud storage and code repository accounts.

The attack did not require a stolen password or the victim to click a malicious link. Although the platform’s guardrails detected the malicious activity, they were unable to prevent the code from executing.

The vulnerability was responsibly disclosed and has since been remediated.

According to Salt Security, the incident demonstrates how traditional detection mechanisms may struggle to keep pace with autonomous systems capable of executing multiple actions before human intervention is possible.

“The Manus research and this survey data are two views of the same problem,” said Yaniv Balmas, Head of Research at Salt Security.

“In the field, we showed how an agent can be weaponised through a single malicious email, how the guardrail detected the attack at exactly the right moment, and still could not stop the code from running. The survey quantifies how widespread that architecture is.”

The findings underline the need for organisations to strengthen visibility into agent activity, establish appropriate governance controls and develop automated containment capabilities as AI agents gain greater autonomy and access to critical enterprise systems.

The full State of Agentic AI and API Security 2H 2026 report includes sector-specific findings, recommendations for CISOs and further analysis of Salt Labs production telemetry.

The post Nearly Half of Organisations Report Unauthorised AI Agent Actions, Research Finds appeared first on IT Security Guru.

Huntress researchers have uncovered an SEO-poisoning campaign that harvests SSL VPN credentials through a lookalike WatchGuard download page, then hands victims the real, validly signed installer from WatchGuard’s own CDN, leaving endpoint tools with nothing to detect.

The activity, detailed by the Huntress SOC on 13 October, centres on watchguard-vpn[.]net, a lookalike domain posing as a download page for WatchGuard’s Mobile VPN with SSL client. Unlike earlier waves of the campaign, which relied on trojanised installers, this iteration strips the malware out entirely.

A typo and a search result

The incident Huntress investigated began on 7 October, when an administrator at a managed service provider searched Bing for “watchguard vpn sll download”. Eight seconds later they had clicked through to the fake site via a standard Bing result redirect, which Huntress says points to SEO poisoning rather than malvertising.

Two bites at the password

Clicking any download option on the site opens a pop-up asking for the VPN server address, username and password, the same three values the legitimate client requests. The logic sits in roughly 150 lines of unobfuscated JavaScript (popup.js), which posts the entries as JSON to a separate collection domain, watchguard-ssl[.]online.

The first submission is always rejected with an “incorrect data” message, prompting victims to retype carefully or try a different password. That gives the operators a second, likely more accurate, set of credentials, along with the server address they need to log in.

The payload is the real thing

After the second submission, the script triggers a download of WatchGuard’s genuine Mobile VPN with SSL installer (version 12.11.5) direct from cdn.watchguard.com. Huntress verified the file’s Authenticode signature from WatchGuard Technologies and confirmed the binary had not been altered.

With no trojanised MSI or sideloaded DLL in the chain, there is nothing for EDR to flag, and the victim gets exactly the install they expected. Detection was thin across the board: as of 8 October only seven VirusTotal vendors flagged the lure domain and two flagged the collector.

Old domain, new backend

WatchGuard’s Secplicity team first reported watchguard-vpn[.]net in January as part of a wider credential-harvesting campaign spoofing WatchGuard, F5, Fortinet, SonicWall and Sophos clients, though at that point the domain had no working backend. Microsoft later attributed related activity to Storm-2561, a financially motivated actor active since May 2025. WHOIS data shows the domain was registered again on 22 August, with the collector domain following on 14 September. Huntress says it cannot establish whether the same operators controlled both registrations.

In the case investigated, Huntress flagged the activity 21 seconds after the site loaded, and browser history suggests the user did not complete both rounds. The domain was offline as of 13 October, and Huntress has shared infrastructure details with WatchGuard.

Recommendations

• Reset passwords for any account entered on the site and treat the associated VPN endpoint as known to the attacker.
• Enforce MFA on SSL VPN access.
• Monitor for VPN logins from hosting providers, unfamiliar ASNs or new countries.
• Block watchguard-vpn[.]net, watchguard-ssl[.]online, 80.249.132[.]140 and 158.94.209[.]19.
• Publish and bookmark official download links such as software.watchguard.com.

Full research: https://www.huntress.com/blog/fake-watchguard-vpn-credential-phishing

The post Fake WatchGuard VPN site steals credentials, then serves the genuine signed client appeared first on IT Security Guru.

Zero trust has become one of the most overused terms in security marketing, often applied to products that simply add another layer of network segmentation. This piece looks at what zero trust actually specifies according to its foundational standard, the implementation order that works in practice, and why identity is the dependency most organizations underestimate.

What Does Zero Trust Actually Specify, Beyond the Marketing Language?

Zero trust gets used loosely enough that it has largely lost precision as a term, applied to everything from a VPN replacement to a full architectural rebuild. That imprecision is a real problem for organizations trying to evaluate vendor claims, since two products both marketed as zero trust solutions can address entirely different parts of the actual model.

Organizations working through this evaluation often look at established regional providers as part of their planning. Among them, cybersecurity solutions in Dubai offer a starting point for comparing how different providers translate the zero trust framework into an actual implementation roadmap, which varies considerably depending on an organization’s existing infrastructure.

At its core, the specification requires continuous verification of every access request, whether it originates inside or outside the traditional network perimeter, and it removes the assumption that anything on the internal network is inherently trustworthy simply by virtue of its location.

That table names the components. The harder part, and the part most vendor pitches skip, is the order in which an organization actually implements them.

What Implementation Order Actually Works, and What Stalls?

Organizations that attempt zero trust as a single, comprehensive rollout tend to stall, since the scope quickly exceeds what any team can execute without disrupting normal operations. Organizations that succeed tend to sequence the work, starting with identity infrastructure before touching network segmentation.

That sequencing is not arbitrary. Identity is the hard dependency underneath every other component of the model. Microsegmentation without solid identity verification just creates smaller trusted zones rather than removing the underlying trust assumption. Continuous monitoring without reliable identity data produces noise rather than usable signal. Getting identity right first is what makes everything built on top of it actually function as intended.

IT Security Guru’s coverage of automated tools in SaaS penetration testing touches a related sequencing question from a different angle: the growing reliance on automation to keep pace with continuous verification demands, which is exactly the kind of tooling that becomes necessary once an organization’s zero trust model matures past the identity foundation stage.

Organizations that skip the identity-first ordering often end up with what looks like a zero trust deployment on paper but functions as a rebranded VLAN structure underneath, technically segmented but still relying on implicit trust once a user or device gets past the initial checkpoint.

Where Does the NIST Standard Actually Draw the Line?

Rather than relying on vendor definitions, it helps to work from the actual specification. NIST Special Publication 800-207 lays out the zero trust architecture in detail, defining the core logical components and the tenets that distinguish a genuine implementation from marketing language attached to conventional network security.

The standard makes it clear that zero trust is a set of principles guiding architecture decisions, not a single product or technology you can buy and deploy wholesale. That framing alone rules out a large share of what gets marketed under the term, since a genuine implementation touches identity management, policy enforcement, and monitoring together rather than any one of them in isolation.

How Can an Organization Tell Real Progress From a Rebranded VLAN?

A few honest checks separate genuine progress toward zero trust from a relabeled version of existing network security. Evaluate access decisions per request based on current context, not grant broad access once a user authenticates at the start of a session. Policy enforcement should apply consistently, whether a request originates inside or outside the traditional network boundary. Monitoring should also detect anomalous access patterns after the fact, not just block unauthorized access at the point of entry.

An organization that cannot clearly explain how it makes access decisions on a per-request basis is likely still operating on the old trust model, whatever the marketing materials on its security stack claim.

FAQ

What is zero trust, in the simplest accurate terms?

It is a security model that requires continuous verification of every access request, regardless of whether it originates inside or outside the traditional network perimeter, removing the assumption that internal network location implies trustworthiness.

Why does identity have to come before network segmentation in implementation?

Identity verification is the dependency the rest of the model relies on. Segmentation and monitoring without reliable identity data produce smaller trusted zones or noisy alerts, rather than genuinely removing implicit trust.

How can an organization tell if its zero trust deployment is genuine?

Access decisions should be evaluated per request based on current context, not granted broadly after initial login, and policy enforcement should apply consistently regardless of where a request originates.

Is zero trust a product an organization can simply buy?

No. NIST’s foundational specification describes it as a set of architectural principles, not a single purchasable technology. A genuine implementation brings together identity, policy enforcement, and monitoring rather than relying on any one component alone.

The post Zero Trust in Practice: Moving Beyond the Buzzword appeared first on IT Security Guru.

Vega, the pioneer of Agentic Cyber Defense, today announced the appointment of Scott Simkin as Chief Marketing Officer. Simkin joins as Vega II unleashes the best model trained for cyber defense to transform every alert, across all data sources, into a conclusive verdict at the speed of the attack. The platform keeps every lesson and gets faster with every fight, so defenders can finally outpace adversarial AI.

“Once a generation, a company changes how security gets done. For Cyber Defense in the age of AI, that company is Vega,” said Shay Sandler, co-founder and CEO of Vega. “Scott built the stories and execution engine behind the two biggest names in security operations. Now he will help Vega define the post-SIEM era. There is no one I would rather have leading this charge.”

Simkin is one of the industry’s best-known storytellers, having twice helped define a category and drive growth at massive scale. At Palo Alto Networks, he served as Vice President of Marketing for the end-to-end Cortex platform, one of the fastest-growing portfolios spanning security operations, cloud security, and Unit 42 services, with annual revenue approaching $2 billion. Earlier, he helped pioneer the XDR category, which has since replaced EDR as the standard for modern endpoint security. At CrowdStrike, he led product marketing, technical marketing, portfolio positioning, and campaigns across the full Falcon platform. He also launched Falcon Next-Gen SIEM, which CrowdStrike says now exceeds $600 million in annual recurring revenue. Two years after founding, Vega already defends some of the world’s largest banks, healthcare providers, and Fortune 200 enterprises, and Simkin joins to turn that momentum into dominant market leadership.

“For three years, CISOs have asked me the same question about AI in their SOC: isn’t this just an iteration on the SIEM? They were right, and Vega is the answer,” said Simkin. “AI across all your data, in place, without moving or ingesting it. Better outcomes, faster, at a lower total cost. That’s Vega, and no one else comes close. I’m grateful for a career at the companies that built this market, and I’ve never been more certain about where Cyber Defense is going. Vega has the technology and the people this moment demands. There was only one choice.”

Experience Vega II at Cyber Defense at the Frontier on Oct. 21, 2026, at 8 a.m. PT / 11 a.m. ET / 4 p.m. BST.

Read the blog · Register for the virtual summit · Get a demo today

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Certes has received Frost & Sullivan’s 2026 Global Enabling Technology Leadership Recognition in post-quantum cryptography (PQC), following an independent evaluation of vendors in the market.

The recognition centres on a problem most security teams are now facing: migrating embedded cryptography across legacy applications, cloud environments and critical infrastructure will take years, but “harvest now, decrypt later” attacks mean data intercepted today could be exposed once sufficiently powerful quantum computers arrive. Frost & Sullivan notes that the risk is greatest for data with long regulatory, legal or commercial lifespans, and that protecting it needs to run in parallel with the longer migration effort rather than wait for it to finish.

Separating cryptography from the stack

At the heart of Certes’ platform is its Cryptographic Abstraction Layer (CAL), which sits between applications and infrastructure and lifts cryptographic protection out of the underlying technology stack. Rather than waiting for each vendor to ship a quantum-safe update and then managing disruptive upgrades, security teams can manage cryptographic change centrally and apply it to data flowing between systems.

The platform comprises the Certes Enforcement Point (CEP), which encrypts and decrypts within the data path, and the Certes Policy Manager (CPM), which manages policies and cryptographic controls centrally. Frost & Sullivan singled out its policy-specific key architecture as a key differentiator: each policy-controlled application or data flow can have its own key material, separate rotation schedules and customer-controlled key components. This is combined with quantum-based random number generation and customer-owned keys to support data sovereignty.

Certes’ patented Layer 4 payload protection encrypts the payload while preserving original network headers, so routing, QoS, monitoring, SD-WAN and flow visibility tools continue to work without applications being rewritten or networks re-architected. Deployment options span physical appliances, virtual machines on VMware ESXi, KVM, Red Hat and Nutanix AHV, and Windows and Linux client agents. Version 7 extends enforcement closer to workloads and users through expanded agent and cloud deployment options, reducing unprotected segments in the data’s journey.

Beyond quantum

The report also highlights uses beyond PQC migration. Cryptographic segmentation can separate IT and OT environments and limit lateral movement in flat networks, while a virtual air gap capability can dynamically isolate critical applications, data flows and backups during an active attack while preserving recovery. Certes’ encryption can also stop sensitive data being exposed to internal or external LLMs, giving organisations tighter governance over AI adoption.

Ozgun Pelit, Senior Industry Analyst at Frost & Sullivan, said: “Certes stands out in the emerging post-quantum security market through its focus on protecting data independently of the applications and infrastructure around it. Its combination of cryptographic abstraction, crypto-agility and centralized policy enforcement provides organisations with a practical way to reduce near-term quantum risk while navigating what will inevitably be a complex, multi-year migration.”

Paul German, CEO at Certes, said: “The next cryptographic revolution could arrive before many organizations have finished implementing the last one. Post-quantum cryptography is only the beginning. As AI and quantum technologies advance, cryptographic change will accelerate, and organisations cannot afford to rebuild their applications, networks and security infrastructure every time it happens.”

He added: “In a world where cryptography must constantly evolve, the ability to change it without changing everything else isn’t a luxury. It’s a necessity.”

The full Frost & Sullivan report is available HERE

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In Booz Allen’s isolated OT lab, AI models met every objective across eight scenarios and reached an industrial control network from a perimeter compromise in just over 16 minutes.

The post AI Agents Navigate Unfamiliar OT Systems and Move Equipment in Minutes, Booz Allen Finds appeared first on SecurityWeek.

ABB previously published an advisory warning about possible probing of a dynovaPRO vulnerability. 

The post ICS Patch Tuesday: Siemens Issues 17 Advisories, Rockwell Fixes ArmorBlock Takeover Flaw appeared first on SecurityWeek.

The United Kingdom has issued economic sanctions against Cryptomus, a chameleonic cryptocurrency platform that experts say serves as a major conduit for payments related to ransomware, narcotics, darknet markets, fraud and cybercrime services that are helping Russia circumvent existing financial restrictions.

Heleket’s support agent on Telegram claims, despite all evidence to the contrary, that it is not affiliated with Cryptomus. Image: Richard Sanders.

On October 8, the U.K. issued sanctions (PDF) against Cryptomus — previously known as Certa Payments and Xeltox Enterprises — for processing payments that benefit the Russian government and its financial institutions. The sanctions freeze any Cryptomus assets at U.K. banks, and bar British companies from offering it any business, virtual or otherwise. Also targeted in these sanctions were the virtual payment platforms VexPay, TokenSpot, and the Tsunami Payments service.

As explained in our December 2024 investigation, “How Cryptocurrency Turns to Cash in Russian Banks,” Cryptomus has been a key payment processor for dozens of Russian cryptocurrency exchanges and websites hawking cybercrime services. The company has changed its name several times since emerging in 2022, most recently to “Heleket” last year after Canada levied a record CAD $176 million fine against the platform for anti-money laundering violations.

The blockchain data-crunching firm Chainalysis said the U.K. sanctions target the broader infrastructure supporting Russia’s wartime economy.

“Cryptomus and Heleket have emerged as major payment hubs for illicit activity,” Chainalysis wrote in an October 8 blog post. “Together, these services received more illicit funds across tracked categories than the mixers in our dataset and the number of illicit counterparties surged to more than 900 in a single month in late 2025.”

The Cryptomus support bot on Telegram, responding on Oct. 8 to an inquiry by saying the platform was suddenly unable to process transactions.

In April 2026, the blockchain analysis firm TRM Labs found Cryptomus had processed more than $7 billion in transactions since its inception in 2022, including transactions associated with child sexual abuse material vendors, terrorist financing networks, and human trafficking operations.

TRM noted that Cryptomus’s transaction volume cratered after the platform instituted new “know your customer” or KYC rules, and that the cryptocurrency platform responded to the Canadian fines by launching Heleket as a parallel service that continued to offer no-KYC payment processing.

Richard Sanders is a blockchain analyst and investigator who spent months mapping out Cryptomus’s payment infrastructure and transacting with its customers. Sanders said the U.K. sanctions on Cryptomus are important because Canada’s sanctions against the platform were ultimately unenforceable and uncollectible.

“A fine doesn’t stop a cryptocurrency payment processor from processing payments,” Sanders wrote on LinkedIn. “Sanctions kill the operation. The distinction matters.”

As our 2024 investigation noted, Cryptomus shared a Vancouver address with dozens of other foreign currency dealers and money transfer businesses — none of which appeared to be physically located there. Following the CAD $176 million fine for alleged money laundering violations, Cryptomus appealed the penalty, launched Heleket as a parallel service, and kept on processing large volumes of sketchy transactions, Sanders said.

Sanders said the sanctions also are notable because they are the first known instance of a “Five Eyes” country (referring to the Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the U.K. and the U.S.) sanctioning a cryptocurrency operation incorporated in another Five Eyes jurisdiction.

Where do entities like Cryptomus and Heleket derive their authority to offer international financial services? The answer appears to involve fake financial institutions overseen by a phony regulatory body positioned in a country that is not widely recognized as a sovereign nation.

Our 2024 investigation found the sole shareholder of Cryptomus’s parent company Certa Payments was a 25-year-old Ukrainian woman who also headed several other firms, including the WS Management and Advisory Corporation, which bills itself as the regulatory body that exclusively oversees licenses for cryptocurrency, foreign exchange and online gaming businesses incorporated in the disputed region in northwest Africa known as the Western Sahara.

That entity’s website — crasadr.com — says it assists applicants with bank setup and formation, online gaming licenses, and the creation and licensing of foreign exchange brokers. One of Certa Payments’ former sites — certa[.]website — also shared a server with 12 other domains, including rasd-state[.]ws, a website for the Central Reserve Authority of the Western Sahara.

The website crasadr dot com, the official website of the Central Reserve Authority of Western Sahara, which lists the entities awarded licenses for cryptocurrencies, gaming and foreign exchange services.

The cybersecurity startup plans to expand engineering and go-to-market teams in the US and UK.

The post Harmonic Security Raises $50 Million for Workforce AI Protection appeared first on SecurityWeek.

This summit is laser-focused on the next generation of Zero Trust and Identity security, moving beyond theory to deliver actionable strategies.

The post Watch Now: Zero Trust Strategies Summit – All Sessions Available on Demand appeared first on SecurityWeek.

Backed by a federal court order, Microsoft and Health-ISAC seized domains powering YAM Store, CoGUI, and Iron Man.

The post Microsoft Disrupts Chinese-Language Phishing Market Behind 1B+ Messages appeared first on SecurityWeek.

They were victims, not abusers. That’s what they told police officers, attorneys, visitors and anyone else who would listen. It didn’t matter. The women were all taken to a sprawling immigration detention center in the woods of west Michigan and handed thin jumpsuits — red, to mark them as a high security risk.

Inside the North Lake Processing Center, they talked about the men whose calls to police landed them there. The boyfriends or husbands who threatened to get them deported and cut them off from their children. The men, or sometimes women, who hit them, pulled their hair or choked them, bruising their throats.

They didn’t know where to go for help before, but now, in the confines of a cold cellblock in a former prison, the women helped one another. If one spoke to somebody on the outside who could connect them with advice, legal aid or money for the commissary, she’d pass around a tablet used for calls so others could tell their stories.

Migladys Bermudez, an immigration attorney in southeast Michigan, remembers a call in May from a Peruvian woman detained at North Lake. Her name was Pilar, and she’d heard about Bermudez from a fellow detainee who had been a client. Pilar told Bermudez about the boyfriend she tried to escape before her arrest, when she used makeup to cover the marks she said he left on her face. But he had accused her of being the abuser, resulting in her arrest.

Pilar handed the tablet to a Cuban woman named Leya. Over the echoes of the other detainees’ chatter, she described how her boyfriend insulted her, isolated her and gave her a black eye. Then, after grabbing him by the arm during an argument, she was the one behind bars, separated from their nursing daughter. On video calls, the girl didn’t seem to recognize her mother anymore. She stopped calling her “Mamá.”

Bermudez was taken aback. All three women in that chain — the former client, Pilar and Leya — said they were trying to get out of abusive relationships when they were arrested by local police on domestic violence allegations. In all three cases, the charges were dropped or never filed at all. The U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detained the first woman during a routine check-in a few months after her charges were dropped. The others were handed over to ICE by local officials. 

It’s long been intimidating for immigrants who suffered abuse to call 911, regardless of who was in the White House. They knew — and their abusers knew — that their immigration status made them vulnerable. But previous administrations treated victims as just that, people who needed help, not as targets for deportation. Bipartisan coalitions in Congress have long supported the Violence Against Women Act, which creates a pathway toward legal status for immigrants who are victims of domestic violence or other serious crimes.

Now, under President Donald Trump, all bets are off. On inauguration day, his administration rescinded guidelines that largely prevented immigration agents from making arrests at sensitive locations — including domestic violence shelters and hospitals. About a week later, the administration eliminated key protections granted to VAWA applicants and other crime victims. For the first time in decades, immigration authorities could disregard those protections and more freely arrest, detain and deport immigrant victims.

Life became more harrowing in other ways for immigrants who were victims of domestic violence. Federal immigration agents made arrests outside specialized domestic violence courts. And the administration persuaded more and more local police and jails to carry out the president’s mass deportation campaign, sweeping still more immigrants into custody. 

Even communities without these so-called 287(g) agreements are helping the government round people up. In west Michigan’s Kent County, where Pilar and Leya were arrested, the county jail turned over more immigrants to ICE in the first six months of 2026 than it did during the entire Biden administration.

Advocates across the country say they’re seeing signs of an alarming increase in the numbers of domestic violence victims who are detained and deported. And many immigrants are staying in abusive relationships, fearful of calling for help or even stepping outside their homes.

“It’s just probably the most dangerous time for immigrant women right now who are victims of domestic violence,” said Bermudez, who took on Leya’s immigration case.

The arrest and detention of domestic violence victims is, in part, an unanticipated consequence of an effort meant to keep them safe. In much of the country, law enforcement officers are encouraged — or even required — to make an arrest when they have probable cause to believe that a domestic violence assault has taken place. Sometimes victims are mistaken as the abuser and taken into custody. Then, if they’re immigrants, they can be turned over to ICE — even if they were never criminally charged.

There’s no comprehensive way to track how often this happens or how many domestic violence victims have been detained by ICE or deported. But ProPublica spoke with a half-dozen alleged victims who were locked up together in a single facility, North Lake, and reviewed police records about others who were there, too. Their stories offer a picture of why Congress created programs like VAWA in the first place, and what’s at stake when those guardrails are taken away. 

A coalition of immigrant survivors and advocates have sued the Trump administration, saying changes to how immigrant victims are treated not only undermined public safety, but also broke promises enshrined in federal law and policy.

“We were seeing our clients be more scared, be systematically targeted, be arrested, and deported very quickly,” said Kathleen Rivas, supervising attorney of the survivors team at Public Counsel, a law firm that’s involved in the litigation.

In May, a federal judge ordered the government to restore protections while the case played out. The Trump administration has appealed the order. 

White House spokesperson Lauren Bis said in a statement that ICE is targeting the “worst of the worst.” The real story, she added, is the “American women whose lives have been taken by illegal alien criminals.” A spokesperson for the Department of Homeland Security said in a statement that “we will never apologize for deporting illegal aliens, because that’s how we save lives.”

But Leya, Pilar and other immigrants we interviewed have no criminal records. And advocates said communities are less safe now because immigrants are afraid to call police when their partners hurt them. This gives more ammunition to the threats of their abusers, said Casey Carter Swegman, director of public policy at the Tahirih Justice Center, a national nonprofit that advocates for immigrant survivors of domestic violence, sexual assault and human trafficking.

“Certainly more immigrant survivors are feeling like the violence and abuse they experience behind the closed door is somehow more tolerable than the violence and abuse they could experience if they tried to leave,” she said.

The first time her boyfriend’s fist slammed into her face was in July 2025, Leya recalled. They were living in Florida with his relatives. Only a month before, Leya gave birth to their daughter.

One night, she said, he heard her laugh in the kitchen with his mother and a man his mother was dating. Leya’s boyfriend flew into a jealous rage, she said, and punched her a few feet from their sleeping baby.

Leya called 911 but hung up when the operator answered. She was afraid of what might happen. She was 26; her boyfriend was a decade her senior. Leya, a recent immigrant from Cuba, had applied for status and was in active immigration proceedings. She said he was a permanent resident, with permission to work in the U.S. and better command of English. She felt trapped.

Sheriff’s deputies arrived and spoke with Leya and her boyfriend. They took photos of her puffy and bruised face, with the white of her left eye bright red. Her boyfriend said the injury occurred during an “argument,” according to the report, but he didn’t specify how. He was arrested on suspicion of domestic battery. 

Leya said her boyfriend’s mother threw her out that night. Unsure of where to go, she and her daughter moved in with another one of his relatives. Pursuing a criminal case felt daunting. She said his relatives urged her to drop the charges and reconcile with him. Eventually, she asked prosecutors to drop the charge because the battery took place in “a moment of impulse that he feels very sorry for,” records show. Her boyfriend didn’t enter a plea before the case was dismissed.

Like other immigrants interviewed for this story, Leya asked not to be fully identified because of her pending immigration case, and because she worries about repercussions for her and her daughter.

She and Pilar also asked that ProPublica not interview their alleged abusers because they’re afraid the men will interfere with their cases, hurt them or take away their children. To report their stories and get their partners’ perspective, we reviewed records from law enforcement, immigration court proceedings and habeas corpus petitions seeking their release from detention. We also interviewed attorneys, family and others who interacted with them.

Soon after the Florida arrest, Leya and her boyfriend moved to the city of Wyoming, Michigan, a suburb of Grand Rapids that’s a magnet for immigrants who come for jobs in manufacturing and food processing. The unpretentious city is dotted with temporary staffing agencies, money-wiring businesses and Mexican restaurants.

Leya said their relationship worsened. Her boyfriend pushed her, pulled her hair and broke her phone, she said. He made her delete her social media accounts and isolated her from friends and family. They fought about money and talked about breaking up. One night in April, during an argument, he called the police.

“I’m having problems with my wife,” he said in Spanish, according to a recording of the call. The operator asked if there had been any violence. “No, no, no. None,” he said. “Just a discussion.”

He told officers who came to their apartment complex that Leya got angry because he had talked to an ex-girlfriend, according to body camera footage and a police report. When he tried to leave, he said, Leya pushed him and grabbed his arm. Then she attempted to hang up his phone when he dialed 911. 

He said he wasn’t injured, though he accused her of hitting him several times a few days earlier.

Officers interviewed his brother, who mentioned the arrest in Florida, according to bodycam footage. “They had a cycle of problems where she called the police for abuse and he was detained for three days,” he said in Spanish. “My brother is trying to avoid having that happen again.”

The police report doesn’t mention the earlier arrest.

Footage of the interview with Leya was redacted due to state privacy laws, in part because she was interviewed inside their residence, unlike her boyfriend, who was interviewed outside. According to the police report, she “minimized” the argument and said there was no physical contact. She acknowledged trying to hang up the phone.

In an interview with ProPublica, Leya said they argued when she learned he sent money to his ex-girlfriend, who is the mother of his son. At the same time, she said, he had told her he couldn’t afford to buy diapers for their daughter. She said she has never hit him. 

Officers arrested Leya on suspicion of domestic assault and interfering with a 911 call. They didn’t arrest her boyfriend or seek charges against him. Leya said she didn’t tell officers she was a victim of abuse because she thought she’d be able to tell a judge.

She never got a chance.

The Wyoming Police Department’s written policy encourages officers to make an arrest in incidents involving domestic violence “when there is reasonable cause to believe an assault was committed.”

Arrests demonstrate that “violence in the home is recognized as a serious crime,” according to Michigan’s law enforcement training manual on domestic violence. This approach is common across the country. Twenty-four states require an arrest when there’s probable cause of a domestic assault.

But domestic violence scenes can be chaotic, with both partners accusing each other of being the aggressor. It can be difficult for officers to understand what happened, said Erin Ross, a former domestic violence prosecutor who works at the national nonprofit Vera Institute of Justice. Sometimes, the wrong person ends up in handcuffs.

“The complexity of DV situations can thus lead to survivors being criminalized by the very system meant to protect them,” Ross and her co-authors wrote in a 2025 report about the effects of arrests on domestic violence survivors. 

The Vera report doesn’t touch on immigration. But Ross and a dozen other domestic violence advocates across the country told ProPublica that immigrants who don’t speak English or understand their rights are, under the Trump administration, especially vulnerable to an arrest that can have irreversible consequences.

ProPublica reviewed hundreds of habeas corpus petitions filed nationwide since January 2025, in which immigrants challenged their ICE detention on constitutional grounds. We found dozens of petitioners who were arrested on suspicion of domestic violence and turned over to ICE, even though they were never charged or their charges were dropped. Using jail and police records from Florida and Michigan, as well as news reports, we identified even more cases.

In their petitions, several immigrants said that officers mistook them for the aggressor. The underlying arrest records show that officers often had to make close calls in messy cases where it was unclear who was the victim and who was the aggressor. Either way, under Trump, there’s little grace for immigrants. 

In one case in Florida, a state where sheriff’s offices cooperate with immigration authorities, a deputy came upon a Venezuelan couple arguing in the street in November 2025. In his report, the deputy said the woman pulled at her husband’s pants, necklace and arm, leaving marks on his body. The woman said her husband had taken her keys and phone. She didn’t want to be left stranded, she said, so she ran after him.

She was charged with misdemeanor battery; her husband wasn’t charged. The woman was turned over to ICE while the case was pending. Prosecutors later dropped charges. The sheriff’s report didn’t mention any allegations of prior domestic violence, but the woman later said that, during their marriage, her husband had beaten her and threatened to kill her. In her habeas corpus petition, she said she was “afraid to report the abuse to the police.” 

The woman was released in May, but during the five months she was incarcerated, her husband took their daughters out of state, her attorney told ProPublica. She still hasn’t seen the girls in person.

For Leya, it was a shock to find herself handcuffed, sitting in the back of a police cruiser, headed toward the Kent County jail. She was silent during the 15-minute ride, unable to make sense of what had just happened: “I had suffered from domestic violence,” she said. “But the one who ended up in trouble was me.” 

The next day, a detective asked the prosecutor’s office to file charges against her. Prosecutors declined to do so, saying there was insufficient evidence, there were no injuries and Leya hadn’t successfully interfered with the phone call. 

Still, she wasn’t released.

Leya had no criminal history, apart from this arrest, according to a DHS record. But her fingerprints had been run against state and federal databases, flagging ICE officials who could match them with her prints from when she arrived in the U.S. In addition, Leya said, a jail official asked about her status, and she told him she was waiting for an immigration court hearing. 

ICE issued a detainer, essentially asking the jail to hold Leya until agents could pick her up. Kent County officials honored their request. A day later, Leya was at the detention center in the woods.

She cried in despair over her daughter. They’d never been separated. The 80 miles between Wyoming and North Lake seemed infinite. Her breasts ached from the drying milk. Leya wondered whether she’d be deported and if their separation would be permanent. 

From a narrow window in her cell, she saw people outside holding signs, protesting ICE. She could hear their chants in English. Though she had trouble understanding them, she felt comforted by the care of strangers. 

Inside, she familiarized herself with the routines. She spent most of her time in a large, open room with other women in red. Cameras eyed them as they talked about their children and upcoming court dates. They shared contact information for relatives in their home countries in case one of them got deported and had nowhere to go. To pass the hours, they watched telenovelas, played rounds of Uno and pieced together jigsaw puzzles of forests and farms.

Leya grew close to a few women from Latin America and Eastern Europe who said they, too, had been in abusive relationships. Several had called police for help, records show. A Honduran woman said her partner tried to choke her. A Dominican woman said her husband, a U.S. citizen, hit her, pulled her hair and chased her with a stick.

Then there was Pilar, Leya’s first cellmate. The asylum seeker from Peru had also been arrested on suspicion of domestic violence in the city of Wyoming.

Pilar, her boyfriend and her teenage daughter called 911 five times in the 15 months before her arrest, records show. On one occasion, Pilar’s daughter said she worried that the boyfriend would hurt her mom; according to bodycam footage, Pilar assured officers that everything was fine. On another, the man said he experienced mental abuse and wanted to find a shelter. On yet another, Pilar said she just wanted him to leave.

None of these calls ended in an arrest. Officers ensured that the boyfriend had another place to stay when he sought help, and they told Pilar to call back if he tried to return and hurt her, according to the footage. They advised the couple to go to civil court for future disputes over money and property.

In an interview with ProPublica from North Lake, Pilar, 48, said that her boyfriend took financial advantage of her and physically assaulted her. And in her habeas corpus petition, she described the relationship as one of “physical, mental, psychological, economic abuse.” Her sister took a photo of the bruises around Pilar’s neck and feared the worst. “I would tell her to leave that man,” she said. 

Pilar said she was ashamed to go to her job at a food-processing plant with bruises on her face. She wondered what her co-workers would think. She distanced herself from relatives and friends. Pilar said she never told the police the full story because she worried about the possible repercussions — not for herself, but for her boyfriend. She didn’t want him to be deported. Despite everything, she loved him and felt he loved her. 

One night in October 2025, her boyfriend drove up to their apartment complex in a rental car. The couple argued in the parking lot. He called 911.

“I need police,” he said over and over in English.

Pilar called moments later: “This man is leaving my house and he’s not giving me my keys,” she screamed in Spanish. “This man has hurt me. He has scratched my whole arm.”

When officers arrived, they separated the couple. The boyfriend said that Pilar slapped his head, grabbed his shirt and tried to pull him out of the car while he was in the driver’s seat, according to bodycam footage and the police report. One side of his T-shirt was torn. He said he never assaulted Pilar and any injuries were her own fault. “I’ve never hit her,” he said in Spanish.

He told officers that he’d become a U.S. permanent resident two months earlier and that Pilar was jealous. “She is making this up because she knows she can get papers,” he said.

Pilar insisted she was the victim. She showed officers the scratch marks on her arm and said her boyfriend was to blame. She begged them to make him return the apartment keys, according to bodycam footage and a police report. “I’ve been trying to kick him out for a while and he won’t leave, and he doesn’t want to help pay the rent,” she said in Spanish.

An officer asked how her boyfriend’s shirt got ripped. Pilar said she grabbed onto him when he started driving away in order to avoid being dragged by the car. The officer asked her several more times about the ripped shirt. Pilar told him she wanted to speak to a lawyer. 

In their report, police noted that the boyfriend had called 911 first. His shirt was ripped. Pilar’s wasn’t. If the boyfriend had thrown her down, the officer wrote, then her shirt should have been ripped because he was “much taller and heavier (around 80lbs more).”

Her boyfriend wasn’t arrested. Pilar was.

Wyoming Public Safety Chief Kip Snyder declined to speak about the arrests of Pilar or Leya. In an email to ProPublica, he said officers don’t “participate in enforcing federal immigration laws. We encourage trust and cooperation with all residents and aim to ensure that everyone feels safe reporting crimes or seeking assistance.”

Shortly after Pilar’s arrest, a police detective asked the prosecutor’s office to file domestic violence charges against both her and her boyfriend.  

Prosecutors declined to file any charges, citing insufficient evidence. Pilar wasn’t released. Apart from this arrest, she had no criminal history, according to DHS records. She also had a pending asylum case.

Still, ICE put a detainer on her and jail officials turned her over.

A few years earlier, Kent County Sheriff Michelle Lajoye-Young said a handoff like this wouldn’t happen.

In 2019, she announced that deputies would stop automatically honoring detainers and instead require warrants signed by a federal judge or magistrate. The move came after a U.S. citizen — a Marine combat veteran — was transferred from her jail into ICE custody.

“There needed to be a judicial oversight inserted into that process to give us the assurance that somebody wasn’t erroneously detained without due process,” Lajoye-Young said around that time. 

Trump called Kent a “sanctuary jurisdiction.” The label haunted the county, which in the 2016 election voted for Trump. A national think tank that aims to reduce immigration put Kent County on its list of sanctuary communities, while Republican state lawmakers tried to compel its cooperation with federal authorities.

Yet it’s unclear whether Lajoye-Young ever delivered on her promise. ProPublica requested copies of all department policies, procedures, memos and instructions on how it handles ICE detainers since 2018. None said a judicial warrant was needed. ProPublica also asked for copies of judicial warrants for Pilar and Leya. The county said no such records exist.

Lajoye-Young, who retired last week, declined interview requests. Sgt. Scott Dietrich, a spokesperson for the sheriff’s office, didn’t directly answer questions about whether the policy was ever implemented. But in a statement he said that detainers are “handled under applicable law and established policy, consistent with our commitment to public safety, due process, and fair and impartial enforcement.”

Gema Lowe, an organizer with the local chapter of an immigrant rights group, said the sheriff had backtracked on her promise and wasn’t being forthright. “I don’t understand why they’re being secretive,” she said.

The shift deepened the mistrust among immigrants in a county with one of the state’s fastest-growing immigrant populations. Lowe, an immigrant herself from Mexico, said she advises victims to think twice before reporting domestic violence to the police because of the risk of arrest and deportation, while pointing them to other local resources like shelters. 

She and others said the stakes are especially high now. ICE arrests have skyrocketed under Trump. Nobody is off limits, including immigrants with pending asylum claims and no criminal records.

And more local authorities are helping ICE make arrests. In January 2025, fewer than 150 state and local law enforcement agencies had signed 287(g) agreements with DHS to help carry out the president’s deportation agenda. That number has ballooned to more than 2,600 today. 

“Partnerships with law enforcement are critical to having the resources we need to arrest criminal illegal aliens across the country,” a DHS spokesperson said. “We have had tremendous success when local law enforcement works together with us.”

Kent County doesn’t have a 287(g) agreement. Still, the jail hands over the vast majority of people with detainers to ICE, records show. Dozens of people who were turned over to ICE this year had their criminal charges dropped, or, like Pilar and Leya, were never charged in the first place. 

Dietrich said the dismissal of a criminal charge “does not, by itself, mean the original arrest lacked probable cause.” The sheriff’s office also doesn’t “determine whether criminal charges are ultimately prosecuted, nor does it determine whether an individual is deported,” he said.

DHS told ProPublica in a statement that both Leya and Pilar “illegally entered the country” in 2022 and that both “will receive due process” in their immigration proceedings.

Kent County Prosecutor Chris Becker said he hadn’t heard of victims getting detained by ICE after calling the police. In his experience, he said, more perpetrators with active cases get deported.

Becker said he tries to get the message out that his team serves all victims, regardless of their immigration status. He’s aware that immigrants are reluctant to seek help. His own staff has told him that victims are afraid to testify or file restraining orders. They don’t want their partners — often the breadwinners and the fathers of their children — to be deported.

“There’s been a chilling impact to women coming forward in domestic violence situations due to what’s going on,” Becker said.

As the months passed at North Lake, Leya watched as women she befriended started to leave.  

Some were deported, including at least two Mexican women who were also arrested in Kent County on suspicion of domestic violence. Others were released. New women took their cells. Some told Leya that they, too, had been arrested after 911 calls about domestic violence.

Leya fought for her freedom. She met with volunteers from Kent County, who raised money to hire her lawyers and pay for a required physical exam and fees. Even her ex-boyfriend, the one who she said gave her a black eye, wrote a letter on her behalf to help her case, calling her “a calm person.” He explained that he had called the police after their argument “escalated” and that “problems are situations that can happen in any relationship.”

Leya, he added, “deserves a second opportunity to remain in this country and be close to our daughter, as our baby truly needs her very much.” While Leya was locked up, their little girl celebrated her first birthday, got her first teeth and took her first steps.

At virtual hearings, Leya sat with her arms crossed, her dark, wavy hair neatly braided in cornrows and wearing an oversized coat over her red uniform. She tried to follow the discussion of people who seemed to have her life in their hands.

In late August, a judge granted Leya bond. While her immigration case played out, she could be free.

It was a profound relief. At the same time, it felt awful to leave behind her friends. It seemed like some of them were never getting out. Pilar was approaching a year in detention.

Four months after her arrest, Leya walked out of the old prison. She thought about how she would live on her own now and support her daughter.  

She promised herself she wouldn’t go back to the man who hurt her. 

The post These Women Were Trying to Escape Domestic Abuse. ICE Detained Them Instead. appeared first on ProPublica.

Investigators stormed 40 locations in Texas and seized 187 laptops used by North Korean IT workers to hide their location.

The post US Arrests Two in Crackdown on North Korean IT Worker Laptop Farms appeared first on SecurityWeek.

Last December, New Mexico officials celebrated publication of a plan to address climate change, designed to dramatically reduce the state’s greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. A few months later, just across the state line in Texas, El Paso city officials adopted their own such plan with a similar ambition. 

Each report cost millions of dollars to draft, but neither one took into account how the construction of data centers could upend climate goals in both places. 

Work is underway in Doña Ana County in southern New Mexico on one of the largest data center developments in the country: Project Jupiter, built by Austin-based Oracle. Twenty miles away in El Paso, construction is underway on another massive data center, this one built by Meta Platforms. 

A third, larger data center project is planned less than a 30-minute drive from the Meta site, on the Fort Bliss Army post in east El Paso.

The data centers are “going to undo a lot of the very expensive and very meaningful work a lot of people are doing,” New Mexico state climatologist Dave DuBois told El Paso Matters.

The sites are among a wave of data centers under construction across the country, driven by the rapidly escalating demand for artificial intelligence services like Claude and ChatGPT. Such projects have drawn intense scrutiny in recent months, as residents and elected officials have questioned their impact on communities’ water supplies, household electric bills and air quality. Texas alone has 596 data centers that are either in operation or planned across Texas as of early September, according to research by The Texas Tribune. 

But the projects located in this population center of 1.2 million, which encompasses El Paso and parts of southern New Mexico, are particularly notable because of their combined scope. When fully built out, the three data centers, each with its own power plant, will emit millions of tons of greenhouse gas emissions, equivalent to the planet-warming emissions released by more than two million cars in a year.

They will also release air pollutants like particulate matter and nitrogen oxides, which directly affect local air quality and human health. The Meta and Project Jupiter data centers are expected to release these kinds of pollutants at relatively low levels, according to paperwork submitted to state regulators. But even a small increase in air pollution can still negatively impact communities close to and downwind of the data center sites, said Shaolei Ren, a professor of electrical and computer engineering at University of California, Riverside. 

“The health impacts can be significant for local communities,” Ren said.

Because Project Jupiter, Meta and the Fort Bliss data centers are in two different states, and because there is no single federal regulation governing climate change or emissions, regulators have largely considered the projects’ impacts separately.

“We’ve never had a national climate law passed by Congress,” said Ari Peskoe, director of the Electricity Law Initiative at Harvard Law School. “And so what we’ve had in this country are primarily state and local efforts.”

The result is that officials in one state have little say over a project happening minutes away from them. 

Texas and New Mexico also take different approaches to dealing with climate change. New Mexico has codified greenhouse gas reduction targets into state law; Texas has not.

New Mexico state Rep. Sarah Silva, a Democrat, represents the community of Chaparral, directly across the state line from Meta’s data center site in northeast El Paso. Her state has the power to regulate air quality and impose noise requirements, but only in New Mexico, not at a Texas construction site, even if it’s only a few hundred yards away. 

Likewise, residents living in west El Paso across the state line from Project Jupiter have no say in the project despite sharing an aquifer that crosses the state boundary. Emissions do not remain within the state where they originate, Silva said.

“This is why we need federal regulation,” said Silva. “How do we knit something together that makes sense for our region when actually this is the job of the federal government?”

Though they profess a desire to mitigate the impacts of climate change, local governments in El Paso and Doña Ana counties green-lit these projects in a part of the country seeing rapidly rising temperatures. The counties offered Meta and Project Jupiter tax incentives in exchange for corporate investment in their communities, job creation and, hopefully, the ability to attract more technology companies to the region. 

State officials have also provided incentives. More than a decade ago, Texas legislators approved a data center sales tax break, which exempts the facilities from paying sales tax on equipment they purchase, a decision that could now cost the state $3.2 billion in revenue over the next two years, according to The Texas Tribune. 

New Mexico lawmakers declined to advance a bill creating a similar tax break for data centers in 2021. But in 2025, they passed an unrelated law allowing large facilities such as Project Jupiter to generate their own electricity using natural gas. The law exempts these private power systems, known as microgrids, from renewable energy requirements, even as New Mexico requires electric utilities to source 50% of the power they sell from clean energy by 2030. 

The power plants that keep data centers running typically produce large amounts of emissions like carbon dioxide and methane that drive global climate change over time. Combined, the plants proposed for Project Jupiter and Meta’s data center could emit up to 10 million tons of planet-warming emissions annually. Comparatively, the region spanning El Paso County and neighboring Hudspeth County released 8.4 million tons of greenhouse gases in 2019. (The Army has shared scant information about the Fort Bliss data center, so it’s not clear what level of emissions the facility will produce.) 

“This does add to our greenhouse gas emissions in a massive way,” said Gunnar Schade, an associate professor of atmospheric sciences at Texas A&M University. “This is a huge source.”

An Unprecedented Amount of Energy

Silva, the New Mexico representative, was initially supportive of Project Jupiter, in part seeing it as an opportunity to create long-term jobs. Last year, she voted in favor of a bill that included an amendment — tacked on by state Sen. Michael Padilla, a Democrat from Albuquerque — that allows facilities like Project Jupiter, which aren’t connected to the local power grid, a 20-year exemption from clean energy laws, allowing them to generate all their electricity with fossil fuels. 

“We worked this bill pretty much the entire session, but it did not quite get done. So, we found a piece of legislation that was very similar,” Padilla said in an interview last year. “That’s the legislative process. You have to be very creative to get your work done.”

But Silva soon soured on the project out of concern that it won’t employ enough local workers and because it won’t rely on zero-emission renewable energy. Oracle has said the data center will have 750 full-time employees when it’s up and running. The company told Doña Ana County officials in early September that nearly 3,700 people had worked at the site during construction up to that point. 

Silva and other state lawmakers have said they voted for Padilla’s bill without realizing the broader implications for a data center project in the southern part of the state. 

“State regulators, state legislators, I think, were so caught off guard at the speed at which these hyperscale data centers showed up in all of our communities almost simultaneously,” Silva said. “I would support a moratorium.” 

The amount of energy Project Jupiter needs is unprecedented in the region: The data center will receive electricity from an on-site power plant made up of fuel cells built by a company called Bloom Energy. Bloom has said the plant will have the ability to produce up to 2.45 gigawatts of electricity — enough to power around 1.5 million homes and more than El Paso Electric has ever supplied to its 465,000 residential and commercial customers at one time, according to the utility’s corporate reports.

New Mexico Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham, a Democrat, has specifically lauded Oracle’s promise to use fuel cells for electricity instead of natural gas turbines, which would have used more water and produced more air pollution. However, an air permit — a state-granted license that authorizes industrial facilities to emit a predetermined amount of pollution — would allow the fuel cells to produce up to 8.8 million tons of greenhouse gas emissions per year. Lujan Grisham didn’t address questions from El Paso Matters about the impact of these additional climate emissions.

The Meta power plant in El Paso could release up to 1.3 million tons of climate emissions every year, according to an estimate calculated by El Paso Matters based on El Paso Electric regulatory filings and the Environmental Protection Agency’s emissions factors. Nancy L. Seidman, a senior adviser with the Regulatory Assistance Project, a nonpartisan nonprofit focused on energy policy, confirmed the emissions estimate is sound.

“Regulators should weigh all emissions and other impacts like water usage, noise and local air pollution, which can affect public health, when they make decisions about data center projects,” Seidman wrote in an email to El Paso Matters. “This is particularly important when projects are phased over time, so that an accurate account can be made of the total, holistic impacts.”

The data center planned for Fort Bliss is expected to use 3 gigawatts of electricity that would likely be supplied by natural gas turbines, according to officials with the Department of Defense, who shared details with reporters during a briefing in April. The Army has issued few other details about the project because it is still in “exclusive negotiations” with the developer, Carlyle Group, a large publicly traded private equity firm.

Carlyle Group did not respond to a request for comment. 

“These are cities in terms of their electricity consumption,” Peskoe, of Harvard Law School, said of AI hyperscale data center campuses such as Oracle’s and Meta’s. The facilities are cropping up so fast that “the pace of this and the scale of this — I think there’s no real parallel, at least for 50, 60, 70 years, but probably ever for the U.S. power industry.”

Facilities in New Mexico seeking a state air permit are required by law to disclose estimated amounts of air pollutants and greenhouse gas emissions the project will release. And the state Environment Department has spent months evaluating Project Jupiter’s air permit application, which was submitted in April. A spokesperson for the environmental department didn’t respond to emailed questions.

By contrast, the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality only requires project developers to disclose information about pollutants that affect local air quality, and not about greenhouse gas emissions, which are what contribute to climate change. 

So when El Paso Electric sought an air permit last fall for the Meta data center’s natural gas power plant, the utility didn’t have to share estimated greenhouse gas emissions. The Texas commission approved the permit 20 days after it was filed, following an expedited review. 

Meta directed questions about its data center’s power plant to El Paso Electric. The electric company declined to share estimates of the plant’s greenhouse gas emissions but said in a statement that the Texas environmental commission had reviewed and authorized the Meta power plant “under a standard permit, which is specifically for projects with limited and well-controlled emissions.” The statement said the facility will “operate in compliance with state and federal standards.”

A spokesperson for the agency said, “All Standard Permits have gone through formal notice and comment procedures and have been adopted by the Commission in a public meeting.”

These plants will be releasing large amounts of greenhouse gases even as climate change has become increasingly evident in the El Paso metro area, which sits where Texas’ westernmost boundary meets New Mexico and northern Mexico. El Paso’s temperatures have risen faster than those of almost any other city in the U.S. since 1970, according to Climate Central, a nonprofit that quantifies climate shifts throughout the United States. Drought driven by climate change has amplified the impact of wind storms that fill the air in El Paso with hazardous dust in the spring and summertime.

This year has been the hottest on record in El Paso through the first nine months of 2026, according to the National Weather Service. Similar records have been set across the state line in New Mexico.

“If we started to do these kinds of things — having big data centers with natural-gas-fired turbines — it’s kind of like bringing back a lot of the retired plants that were more dirty, like coal,” said DuBois, the New Mexico state climatologist. 

Fernando Berjano, El Paso’s climate coordinator, wouldn’t comment specifically on effects resulting from the data centers in the region, but he said the kinds of power plants tied to them produce greenhouse gases that will make it harder for the city to meet its climate goals, as well as produce air pollutants.

If emissions increase in the El Paso area, “that has an impact on air quality, that has an impact on pollution,” Berjano said, “which is something that we all know is not good.”

The Road Ahead for Data Centers

Although construction is already underway on the Project Jupiter and Meta data centers, regulatory hurdles remain for both facilities. The public hearing on the Project Jupiter air permit was scheduled to begin Sept. 14, but the New Mexico Supreme Court delayed it when opponents filed lawsuits challenging the state’s approval process and the facility’s use of groundwater. 

The state Supreme Court last month lifted the stay. New Mexico more recently appointed an examiner to preside over the hearing that would authorize the facility’s emissions. Other legal challenges are making their way through the court system. 

In Texas, El Paso Electric is still waiting for the state’s Public Utility Commission to approve construction of the power plant planned next to Meta’s data center, a decision that could come later this year.

Officials with both Project Jupiter and Meta have said they are taking steps to help mitigate the climate effects of their projects and plan to develop clean energy projects elsewhere to create new electricity sources and offset the greenhouse gases their data center power plants will release. Oracle also maintains that its emissions will be lower than what it sought in its air permit application and that it plans to get to net zero greenhouse emissions by 2031. 

“Oracle is committed to building Project Jupiter responsibly and incorporating community feedback into our planning,” the company said in a statement. 

The road ahead for data centers is unclear. Even once-supportive officials have softened or changed course: Last year, Lujan Grisham, New Mexico’s governor, said Project Jupiter “reaffirms New Mexico’s leadership in global trade, advanced manufacturing, and digital infrastructure.” In Texas, Gov. Greg Abbott at one point called his state “the epicenter of AI development.” 

Now, amid growing opposition to Project Jupiter, Lujan Grisham recently said she takes seriously residents’ concerns about the data center “and expects any data center operating in New Mexico to meet the state’s rigorous environmental standards and use water responsibly.” This summer, Abbott called on the Texas Public Utility Commission to ensure the projects pay for their own infrastructure and don’t lead to higher electricity costs for residents. He also recommended the state Legislature pass a number of regulations related to data centers next year, many concerning water and electricity usage, and recently told the Texas Water Development Board to penalize data centers that do not report their water usage. 

Abbott’s new edicts do not address air pollution or climate change, nor the effects that a data center project in one state can have on another. 

Texas Democratic state Rep. Joe Moody, whose district includes much of west and northeast El Paso, near two of the data center projects, said Abbott’s proposals will likely shape the Texas Legislature’s debate over data-center-related policies next year but called them just a starting point. 

“In the governor’s directives, we’re not talking about local control and local autonomy to make decisions on these projects,” he said. “And I do think that that’s a whole other lane of conversation that we’re going to get into next session.”

The post New Mexico and El Paso Spent Millions on Climate Plans. Three New Data Centers Could Undo Them. appeared first on ProPublica.

L'articolo L’Italia non protegge gli hacker etici proviene da Guerre di Rete.

La Cina ha lanciato una sfida tecnologica senza precedenti a Starlink, il progetto di Elon Musk per una rete internet satellitare globale. L’obiettivo? Stabilire una videochiamata tra i due poli terrestri: l’Artico e l’Antartide. Un traguardo che dimostra come Pechino stia superando i limiti delle connessioni tradizionali, entrando in diretta competizione con SpaceX.

In questo articolo analizziamo come la Cina sia riuscita a raggiungere questo risultato, il ruolo di Starlink nella sfida e le possibili implicazioni geopolitiche e tecnologiche di questa mossa strategica.

La sfida della Cina a Starlink per il controllo delle comunicazioni globali

La Cina non è nuova a progetti ambiziosi nel settore delle telecomunicazioni. Con il lancio del satellite Guowang, Pechino mirava a colmare il divario con Starlink, che già contava migliaia di satelliti in orbita.

Ma quali sono gli obiettivi di questa sfida? Da un lato, la Cina vuole ridurre la dipendenza dalle tecnologie occidentali. Dall’altro, punta a garantire connessioni stabili anche nelle regioni più remote, come i poli. Una strategia che potrebbe ridefinire gli equilibri nel settore delle telecomunicazioni a livello mondiale.

Come funziona Guowang e la rete satellitare cinese

Il sistema Guowang si basa su una costellazione di satelliti in orbita bassa (LEO), simili a quelli di Starlink. Tuttavia, la Cina ha adottato un approccio diverso: invece di concentrarsi esclusivamente sulla copertura globale, ha sviluppato tecnologie per assicurare connessioni a bassa latenza anche in condizioni estreme. Per questo la videochiamata tra Artico e Antartide rappresenta un test fondamentale. Nonostante le difficoltà legate al clima e alla distanza, i ricercatori cinesi sono riusciti a stabilire una connessione stabile, confermando la validità del sistema.

Starlink: la risposta occidentale alla provocazione cinese

Starlink, già operativo in numerose aree del pianeta come la foresta amazzonica, continua a espandere la sua rete con l’obiettivo di fornire internet a banda larga anche nelle zone più isolate.

Quali sono i suoi vantaggi competitivi? Innanzitutto, la rete di SpaceX è già attiva e offre servizi commerciali. Inoltre, l’azienda di Elon Musk vanta una capacità di lancio eccezionale, con centinaia di satelliti messi in orbita in tempi record.

Tuttavia, la Cina non sta a guardare. Grazie a investimenti massicci e una pianificazione strategica, Pechino potrebbe presto colmare il divario, soprattutto nei settori della difesa e delle telecomunicazioni strategiche.

Le implicazioni geopolitiche della sfida tecnologica

La competizione tra Cina e Starlink va oltre la tecnologia: è una questione di potere. Chi controllerà le comunicazioni satellitari avrà un vantaggio strategico in termini di informazione, sicurezza ed economia globale.

La Cina, con il progetto Guowang, ha già ridotto la dipendenza dagli Stati Uniti e dai loro alleati, creando un’alternativa alle tecnologie occidentali. Questo scenario potrebbe portare a una frammentazione del mercato delle telecomunicazioni, con conseguenze imprevedibili.

D’altra parte, Starlink rappresenta per l’Occidente un’arma strategica per contrastare l’influenza cinese. Una rete internet globale sotto il controllo di un’azienda privata americana potrebbe avere implicazioni anche in termini di sicurezza nazionale.

Qual è il futuro della sfida tra Cina e Starlink?

Il confronto tra Cina e Starlink è solo all’inizio. Nei prossimi anni assisteremo a una corsa tecnologica senza precedenti, con investimenti miliardari e innovazioni costanti.

Ma chi vincerà? Dipenderà da diversi fattori: la capacità di innovazione, la velocità di sviluppo e, soprattutto, l’adattamento alle esigenze globali. Una cosa è certa: il futuro delle telecomunicazioni sarà sempre più legato allo spazio.

L'articolo Cina sfida Starlink con una videochiamata tra i poli terrestri proviene da sicurezza.net.

Mozilla has introduced Firefox Enterprise for organizations with strict compliance, governance, and security requirements.

The post Chrome, Firefox Updates Patch 114 Flaws as Mozilla Unveils Firefox Enterprise appeared first on SecurityWeek.

Critical-severity flaws could lead to authentication bypass, code execution, and sensitive authentication information leaks.

The post Citrix, Fortinet, Ivanti Patch 29 Vulnerabilities Across Their Products appeared first on SecurityWeek.

The most important is CVE-2026-96951, a security feature bypass flaw in Windows that has been exploited in the wild.

The post Microsoft Patches Record 1,413 Vulnerabilities, Including Exploited Windows Zero-Day appeared first on SecurityWeek.

The bugs could allow attackers to invoke internal operations and execute code, completely compromising the system.

The post SAP Patches Critical NetWeaver, S/4HANA Vulnerabilities appeared first on SecurityWeek.

Microsoft today issued updates to fix more than 1,400 security vulnerabilities in its Windows operating systems and other software. Today’s epic patch batch dwarfs September’s record of nearly 1,000 fixes, which was already about ten times the normal monthly patch load from Redmond.

Just one of the weaknesses patched this week is considered a “zero day,” or already exploited in the wild. CVE-2026-96951 is a security feature bypass in the Windows Shell that affects Windows 10 and 11 systems, as well as some Server versions.

Windows 10 users might be wondering if they can still expect security updates after this month. Microsoft had been slated to stop shipping updates for Windows 10 systems in October 2025, but ended up adding another year of free updates after considerable pushback. A few months ago, Microsoft quietly extended that support for another year (until October 2027).

At least 78 of the flaws fixed this month are rated “critical,” meaning they could be exploited with little or no action by the user, and most of those critical bugs allow an attacker to execute code of their choice on the vulnerable system.

While Microsoft said there are no signs anyone is exploiting it yet, a security feature bypass in the .NET Framework (CVE-2026-108398) was publicly disclosed prior to today, potentially giving attackers advance time to work out how to exploit the bug.

Satnam Narang at Tenable said the number of flaws fixed this month far surpasses the previous record-setting year 2020, when Microsoft patched 1,261 CVEs.

“We’ve now crossed the 4,000 CVE mark with two months left to go,” he said.

Microsoft credits large language models for the high volume of bug discovery, and presumably AI gets credit for many of the patches used to fix these flaw. Meanwhile, security experts have been warning that these unusually large patch volleys from Microsoft are placing extra strain on corporate security teams, which often have to test individual updates before deploying them across a network to ensure the fixes don’t cause problems for other software.

Tyler Reguly, associate director of security research and development at Fortra, notes that just 26 Microsoft vulnerabilities appeared in the “Known Exploited Vulnerabilities” (KEV) catalog maintained by the U.S. Cybersecurity & Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) so far this year, and security teams would do well to prioritize patching those 26 vulnerabilities first.

“Security leaders should focus on exploitable risk, and ask whether their teams have the clarity, capacity and support to act,” Reguly said.

Which vulnerabilities deserve the most scrutiny in your organization? The folks at Cisco Talos have a useful roundup of the more noteworthy flaws that Microsoft fixed today, and of course the SANS Internet Storm Center has a reliable roundup that indexes vulnerabilities by severity, CVE number and affected software.

Saudi national Abdulrahman Alfozan was arrested Friday and terminated by OpenAI.

The post Employee Arrested After Listening Device Found in OpenAI Conference Room, FBI and the Company Say appeared first on SecurityWeek.

RE: https://piaille.fr/@mart1oeil/117434094832171527

Une offre « gratuite » de Microsoft pour les assos, c'est un produit d'appel qui peut s'arrêter quand ça l'arrange.

#Framaspace, c'est une autre logique : une asso qui équipe d'autres assos, avec du logiciel libre, sans intérêt à vous enfermer. Et vos données restent exportables, donc vous pouvez partir quand vous voulez.

(Bon, par contre on propose « que » 50Go)

➡️ https://framaspace.org

Check Point Research has disclosed two high-risk vulnerabilities in LiteLLM, the open-source gateway that sits between enterprise applications and AI providers such as OpenAI, Anthropic and Google. The flaws could allow a user with minimal privileges to take full control of the gateway, read sensitive files, execute arbitrary code and harvest the API keys an organisation uses to access its AI providers.

LiteLLM is downloaded around 97 million times a month and has more than 59,000 stars on GitHub. Both issues, tracked as CVE-2026-35029 and CVE-2026-59823, are fixed in version 1.83.9.

One endpoint, three attack paths

The more serious flaw, CVE-2026-35029, is a missing authorisation check on LiteLLM’s /config/update endpoint, which controls the proxy’s runtime configuration. Unlike other administrative endpoints, it did not verify that the caller held the PROXY_ADMIN role.

Compounding this, any user who logs in through the LiteLLM dashboard is issued a session token tied to a special “litellm-dashboard” team, and those tokens are checked against a looser list of permitted UI routes. That list includes “/config”. Because the check uses simple prefix matching, requests to /config/update were allowed for any logged-in user, whatever their role.

Testing against LiteLLM version 1.77.7, the researchers showed the flaw could be used to:

• Read arbitrary files, by injecting an environment variable that sets the path of the dashboard logo and pointing it at sensitive files such as /etc/passwd
• Take over the built-in admin account, by overwriting the UI_USERNAME and UI_PASSWORD variables and logging in with attacker-chosen credentials
• Execute remote code, by registering a “pass-through endpoint” that loads a Python module from an attacker-controlled S3 or GCS bucket, which LiteLLM then downloads and runs

Stealing keys without touching the provider

The second flaw, CVE-2026-59823, is a server-side request forgery (SSRF) issue in LiteLLM’s “Clientside LLM Credentials” feature. By passing a user_config parameter to the /chat/completions endpoint, an authenticated user could create a router pointing at their own server. Requests, along with the provider API keys attached to them, would then be sent to the attacker rather than to the AI provider.

Check Point notes that this code path sidestepped restrictions LiteLLM already placed on client-supplied api_base and api_key parameters.

The researchers also found that password hashes were exposed to low-privileged users and were stored without salting, using a single hash iteration. These issues duplicated an existing advisory, GHSA-69×8-hrgq-fjj8.

Old bugs, bigger blast radius

Check Point is clear that none of these are new classes of “AI” vulnerability. Missing authorisation checks, SSRF and unsafe dynamic module loading are all well understood. What raises the stakes is where they sit. An LLM gateway stores provider keys, manages user permissions and routes every prompt and response, making it a single point of compromise for an organisation’s AI estate. And because LiteLLM is embedded in many other AI platforms and internal tools, some organisations may be running it without realising.

“The industry’s focus has largely been on securing AI models, but this research highlights an equally important reality: AI infrastructure is becoming a new critical layer of enterprise security,” said Mateo Rojas-Carulla, Head of Research, AI Agent Security at Check Point Software Technologies. “As organisations increasingly rely on gateways such as LiteLLM to connect applications, users and AI services, these platforms become attractive targets because they sit at the centre of trust.”

“For LiteLLM users, the immediate priority is patching and reviewing access controls, but the broader lesson extends beyond a single product,” he added. “Attackers will naturally target the layer that gives them the greatest access with the least resistance.”

What defenders should do

Check Point recommends that organisations:

• Upgrade to LiteLLM 1.83.9 or later across every deployment, including instances embedded in other tools
• Audit gateway user accounts and remove any that are not needed
• Rotate AI provider API keys if there is any sign of unauthorised access before patching
• Test that limited roles are enforced in practice, not just on paper
• Bring LLM gateways into scope for regular security assessments

The vulnerabilities were reported to LiteLLM’s maintainers through a coordinated disclosure process that began in October 2025.

Full technical write-up: https://research.checkpoint.com/2026/when-llm-gateways-go-wrong-findings-from-litellm/

The post LiteLLM flaws let low-privileged users hijack AI gateway and steal provider keys appeared first on IT Security Guru.

Bonjour

Comment recevoir un mail qu’on envoie en tant que propriétaire et modérateur à une liste ?

D’après la discussion Framagroupes :: Le propriétaire de la liste ne recois pas les messages qu'il envoie à la liste , il suffit que le propriétaire soit abonné.

J’ai vérifié, c’est bien le cas. Pour autant, le propriétaire ne reçoit pas les mails qu’il envoie.

Quelqu’un sait-il comment résoudre ce problème ? J’ai cherché dans le paramétrage de la liste et je ne trouve pas ce qui cloche…

Merci de toute piste pour résoudre ce problème assez embêtant
JP

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A coordinated attack on the operational technology (OT) behind supermarket refrigeration has hit hundreds of stores across France, in what security experts are calling one of the clearest examples yet of cyber sabotage with physical consequences.

Retailers confirmed the attack on Monday 12 October, with disruption reportedly beginning on Sunday night. Intermarché and its Netto brand said at least 300 shops were affected, Coopérative U more than 100 and Carrefour 80, with Monoprix, E.Leclerc and Auchan also reporting impacted stores. According to BFM TV, attackers remotely forced refrigeration units into continuous defrost cycles, driving temperatures up to 50°C. Paris prosecutors said the attack also caused fires.

“This incident is not surprising. A supermarket refrigerator is no longer just an electrical appliance. It is a computerized system connected to a network, enabling remote monitoring and control. While this connectivity allows refrigeration systems to be managed efficiently, it also exposes them to cyber security risks, particularly when operational equipment runs for years on outdated software, without regular security updates, and with management interfaces accessible from the internet,” said Oded Vanunu, Head of Vulnerability Research at Check Point.

Unpatched, internet-facing and end of life

The affected equipment has been traced to refrigeration management systems from Danish manufacturer Danfoss. A source close to Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu said France’s National Cybersecurity Agency (ANSSI) had identified a vulnerability in Danfoss software, and the agency has been ordered to investigate.

Danfoss said most of the compromised units were “legacy” products that no longer receive software or security updates, singling out its AK-SM800 and AK-SC355 controllers, and noted that an affected version of the AK-SM800 was running outdated firmware. The company said it had long advised customers to upgrade or replace these models.

Known vulnerabilities in the control software date back to 2023, some rated critical, with patches available. In August, OT security firm Claroty published research describing flaws in Danfoss systems that could allow attackers to bypass authentication. Reports suggest attackers may have used the Shodan search engine to locate exposed devices, some of which are connected via 3G cards for remote monitoring.

“One of the significant aspects of this incident is that the attackers did not necessarily need sophisticated cyber capabilities. Refrigeration systems have legitimate operational functions, such as defrost cycles, and when an unauthorized party gains access to the system, those same functions can be exploited to disrupt operations. Unlike attacks aimed at stealing data or encrypting files, the impact here is on the physical operation of the equipment itself, with direct consequences such as food inventory losses and potential safety hazards.” Vanunu continued.

“In previous research conducted by Check Point on smart devices, including LG products, we demonstrated how a vulnerability in a centralised management platform could allow attackers to gain control of connected devices. However, in the current incident, it is still unclear exactly how the attackers gained access to the systems.”

OT in the crosshairs

No group has claimed responsibility, and there is no evidence of a ransom demand or data theft. The Paris prosecutor’s cybercrime unit has opened an investigation into what it described as a “large-scale” attack on connected refrigerators at several major food retailers, while ANSSI is coordinating with European counterparts. Sekoia analyst Felix Aime said stores in Spain, Portugal, Poland, Germany and Belgium were also affected.

“The refrigeration systems in supermarkets are operational technology. Building management controls, HVAC, cold chain infrastructure. These are the same category of systems that the security industry has been warning about as the next frontier for sabotage attacks, and they’ve now been weaponised against food retail infrastructure in one of Europe’s largest economies,” said Muhammad Yahya Patel, vCISO and cybersecurity advisor for EMEA at Huntress.

ANSSI had already listed sabotage of industrial control systems among the main threats facing France in its most recent threat report.

“Heating fridges to 50 degrees for six hours is not data theft; it is physical sabotage executed through software, and that is the lesson for every sector. Refrigeration controllers, building systems and point-of-sale equipment are now connected and remotely managed, often through a handful of suppliers, so one weak link scales to hundreds of stores overnight,” said Samuel Hassine, CEO and co-founder of Filigran.

“The problem extends beyond a single refrigeration system or an isolated security vulnerability. Operational equipment is often designed to remain in service for 15 years or more, while cyber threats and technologies evolve at a much faster pace. In addition, the same controllers and management systems are deployed across retail chains worldwide, meaning that a compromise affecting widely used technology could potentially impact a large number of locations,” added Check Point’s Vanunu.

Counting the cost

Intermarché chief executive Thierry Cotillard told BFM TV that losses could run to “tens of millions of euros nationwide in a single day”, while Coopérative U’s Dominique Schelcher said larger stores could each lose up to €180,000–200,000 in stock. France’s retail federation, the FCD, has called on Danfoss to provide “full transparency”.

“The immediate financial consequences are significant and visible. Failures at the stores means total write-off of perishable stock across every affected location simultaneously. The operational disruption compounds quickly. Staff cannot trade normally without functioning refrigeration. Products cannot be restocked until systems are restored and verified safe. The food retail sector across Europe should be treating this as a signal that they are being actively targeted,” Huntress’ Patel warned.

“The cyberattack on French supermarkets is a stark reminder that cyber threats extend far beyond stolen data and financial losses. Hackers reportedly manipulated refrigeration systems, raising temperatures to 50°C, causing fires and forcing retailers to dispose of large quantities of food. With hundreds of stores affected, the incident highlights how vulnerabilities in connected systems can have serious real-world consequences, disrupting operations, damaging equipment and potentially putting public safety at risk,” said Jamie Akhtar, CEO and Co-founder of CyberSmart.

Mitigation: find the exposure first

Experts agree that defenders’ first priority should be identifying which OT assets are reachable from the internet, and who holds remote access to them.

“To reduce these risks, the first step is to identify which controllers and management interfaces are directly exposed to the internet and eliminate any unnecessary exposure. It is also important to keep systems updated, replace default passwords, restrict remote access, and enable multi-factor authentication wherever supported. Separating operational control networks from other networks and monitoring unusual changes in system behaviour are also essential measures. These recommendations apply not only to refrigeration systems, but also to HVAC, building management systems, and other operational infrastructure.” said Vanunu.

“It also demonstrates how increasingly interconnected technology can create new opportunities for cybercriminals. For businesses, this reinforces the importance of securing all connected devices and systems, not just traditional IT infrastructure. Organisations should prioritise regular software and firmware updates, strong access controls, multi-factor authentication where supported and network segmentation to prevent attackers moving between systems. Regular security assessments and employee cybersecurity awareness training are also essential for identifying vulnerabilities before they can be exploited. Ultimately, businesses must recognise that cybersecurity is no longer just about protecting data, but also about safeguarding physical operations, customers and business continuity.” said CyberSmart’s Akhtar.

Filigran’s Hassine urged security leaders to put the issue in front of the board: “Boards should ask three questions this week. Which connected equipment could cause physical or financial damage if someone changed a setting, and who can reach it from outside. Which third parties hold remote access, and how that access is monitored and segmented. And has anyone tested that the response works, from detection to switching to manual operation. Resilience in retail now means knowing your exposure before an attacker maps it for you.”

The post Legacy refrigeration controllers exploited in OT attack on hundreds of French supermarkets appeared first on IT Security Guru.

En réponse à Hugel.

Bonjour Hugel,

Je vous propose de déposer votre demande sur le forum dédié qui nous permet de rassembler au même endroit toutes les demandes/contributions autour de la nouvelle version de Framadate. Cela vous permettra de suivre l’avancement de votre demande et d’avoir le retour du développeur sur votre proposition.

Je trouve personnellement que c’est une très bonne idée qui serait très pratique.
Si vous ne parvenez pas à poster sur le forum, n’hésitez pas à me le dire, je posterai votre demande.

Bonne journée.

En réponse à Valea.

Bonjour Valea,

Je lis avec surprise l’argument suivant pour justifier la disparition de l’option « Tout le monde peut modifier TOUTES les réponses »

C’est génial que les personnes avec qui vous avez utilisé l’ancienne version de Framadate aient toutes respecté les votes les uns des autres sans les modifier, une grande partie des utilisateur.ices ont eu une très bonne expérience avec cette fonctionnalité. Mais ça n’a pas toujours été le cas, j’ai eu des retours utilisateurs en ce sens.
Aujourd’hui la fonction « tout le monde peut modifier tous les votes » est bien disponible, elle est sélectionnable lors de la création de sondage. Cela a été un choix du développeur en charge de Pollaris de sortir une fonctionnalité avant l’autre. Il a réalisé ce projet bénévolement et a fait certains choix en fonction du temps/énergie disponible. Il faut parfois faire des choix lors du lancement d’un logiciel afin d’avancer pas à pas.

Ça s’appelle toujours « Framadate » mais ce n’est pas une nouvelle version (imiter le langage marketing n’aide en rien à clarifier les choses).

Nous avons fait le choix de parler de « version » dans le but de faciliter la compréhension du grand publique. Navrée que ce choix ne vous plaise pas, ces choix ne peuvent malheureusement pas satisfaire tous les utulisateur.ices.

Il n’y a donc rien de surprenant à ce que la nouvelle application ne réponde pas aux besoins de toutes les utilisateurices de l’ancienne application.

En effet, ces retours étaient attendus et nous permettent d’améliorer petit à petit Pollaris/Framadate. Nous sommes heureux.ses de recevoir les nombreux retours utilisateur.ices bienveillants dont nous avons besoin pour avancer et améliorer nos services.

En espérant que la mise à disponibilité de cette fonctionnalité et bien d’autres, contribuent à vous satisfaire et améliorer votre expérience avec nos services.

Bonne journée

L’heure est cruciale pour Mobilizon.

Les financements de NLNet qui nous ont permis d’améliorer l’outil s’épuisent et leur renouvellement n’est pas acquis.

Pour ma part, après m’être consacrée à plein temps au projet depuis avril 2026 mes ressources personnelles s’épuisent. Alors qu’il faudrait plus que jamais mettre un coup de collier, à défaut de soutien financier je vais devoir me désengager.

C’est pourquoi je lance une campagne de don, sur Mastodon ( Mobilizon (@mobilizon@framapiaf.org) - Framapiaf ), Linkedin (Mobilizon (by Kaihuri) | LinkedIn) et même sur Facebook! (https://www.facebook.com/Keskonfai)

Si vous le pouvez, soutenez Mobilizon par un don mensuel : Soutenir Mobilizon

Et si vous ne pouvez pas contribuer financièrement, un partage peut nous aider à rencontrer celles et ceux qui le pourront.

Alors n’hésitez pas à partagez sur Mastodon, Linkedin et Facebook à l’aide des liens ci-dessus, ou dans vos boucles habituelles.

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It wasn’t the kind of call a grocery store gets every day. A customer with a thick Eastern European accent was on the phone saying he wanted to buy several thousand cans of Red Bull. Could the store have them in stock in a few days? Also, did they have equipment to move all those stacks of energy drinks into the parking lot, where two minivans would be waiting?

When the day came, Oct. 19, 2022, employees at the Smart & Final store in San Diego sold 3,960 cans of Red Bull and 720 of Monster Energy to two men and two women, all with the same accent, and helped them wheel the pallets out back. To pay for it all — the bill came to $10,747.05 — the group pulled out piles of plastic. These weren’t credit or debit cards; they looked more like hotel-room keys. There were 25 cards in all, each with a different amount loaded onto it, and the four people took turns swiping one after another. Then, the payment complete, they drove off.

In the days that followed, people as far away as New York and Florida made panicked calls to the store. They wanted to know why their food-stamp accounts (containing their Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, benefits) had been drained at this seemingly random location in San Diego.

It would turn out that what became known as the Red Bull Crew had gotten ahold of their SNAP data and used the funds to buy the energy drinks, which they then sold online or to smaller stores. It was hardly an isolated event. From September through November of that year, the same crew, part of a criminal syndicate based in Romania, bought at least $305,274.52 in energy drinks, using SNAP account information and PINs stolen from at least 174 victims nationwide, according to court documents and federal investigators.

To hear the Trump administration tell it, the SNAP program is under siege by well-heeled recipients of food stamps. Vice President JD Vance, upon being named “Fraud Czar” this spring, said: “There are people who have Lamborghinis who currently receive SNAP benefits.” Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins, whose agency oversees the program, regularly goes on TV and social media to allege that masses of SNAP recipients are scamming the system, driving Bentleys, Ferraris, Maseratis and, yes, Lamborghinis.

The federal government’s own statistics tell a different story. Confirmed cases of intentional program violations — fraud — committed by SNAP recipients account for $64 million a year, or about 0.08% of all benefits issued annually, according to the most recent 50-state reports compiled by the U.S. Department of Agriculture.

Meanwhile a far bigger fraud wave has exploded over the past five years: organized theft from SNAP recipients. In 2025, $470 million was stolen electronically from beneficiaries — and thus from the U.S. taxpayer — according to data supplied to ProPublica by Propel, a company that provides a mobile app for SNAP recipients to check their account balances and transaction histories. More than 990,000 households that received food assistance last year had benefits stolen. (The reason it’s necessary to use data from a private company: The federal government has stopped tracking rates of this crime.)

ProPublica interviewed nearly 100 victims of SNAP theft, federal prosecutors, Secret Service agents, USDA officials, caseworkers and other experts to understand what’s behind this phenomenon and why more isn’t being done to stop it. The victims are almost all working people with families, or retirees, who have struggled to afford groceries in the current economy. Most didn’t learn about the crime until they were in a checkout line, only to have their benefit card declined.

Upon reporting the disappearance of their food assistance, victims are informed that nothing can be done under current federal law. “The only thing they said was that [my benefits] cannot be refunded unless they were lost due to a natural disaster,” said one SNAP theft victim in Ohio. “They told me they’d add my name to the list,” said another in rural Oregon. “They advised if I feel the place is sketchy, don’t run my card there,” a victim in Philadelphia said. Still another, in Virginia, added, “They even charged me $2 for a replacement card.”

Perhaps the most vexing aspect of all: The federal government knows how to prevent the vast majority of this crime in a single step. Congress just hasn’t been willing to take it.

SNAP theft is an old scheme applied to a new target. For years, scammers would surreptitiously install skimming devices on card readers at ATMs, gas pumps and corner stores. These devices could read the data on people’s cards as they swiped — while a pinhole camera or overlay keypad captured their PINs — all of which could be picked up later or sent via Bluetooth to someone sitting in a nearby cafe or parking lot. This pilfered data, in turn, was used to make online purchases, or it was loaded onto cloned cards to withdraw cash.

Skimming became exponentially more difficult when credit and debit card companies installed digital microchips in the 2010s and then introduced tap-to-pay. But one kind of card did not get the new chips: Electronic Benefits Transfer, or EBT, cards, which people use to access SNAP and other public assistance. These still rely on the 1960s-era magnetic-stripe technology that skimmers can easily read.

EBT cards are not a particularly high-value target compared with bank cards. (The average monthly SNAP benefit is about $350 per household.) But funding boosts to SNAP during the pandemic temporarily increased benefit amounts, and profits could be considerable if you skimmed hundreds of people’s card information every month. Skimming teams, often run by Romanian gangs, pivoted. With cloned magnetic-stripe cards, they started buying up huge quantities of SNAP-eligible products like energy drinks and baby formula that are easy to store and resell.

“We’ve started many, many briefings saying that one of the biggest ways we’re going to fight this is to just get chips in the cards,” said Michael Peck, assistant special agent in charge of the Secret Service’s Criminal Investigative Division. Among the Secret Service’s lesser-known functions is investigating many financial crimes, and Peck leads its efforts against benefit theft. He said he and his team have delivered this message on Capitol Hill both at committee meetings and to individual members of Congress.

Yet congressional leadership has continually blocked legislation that would fund chip EBT cards nationally, despite universal support for the measure among Democrats and significant support among the Republican rank and file. For instance, House Committee on Agriculture Chairman Glenn Thompson, a Republican from Pennsylvania, said at a hearing in March that chip technology is “very effective.” But he shut down a bipartisan proposal to upgrade EBT cards with chips, citing unspecified budgetary constraints. (“Chairman Thompson is supportive of finding a fiscally responsible path forward for implementing policy that supports chip cards,” a committee aide said in a statement on his behalf. She added that “there was an appetite” for this reform among Republicans, but that Democrats weren’t willing to “find the budgetary offsets” for it.)

The Congressional Budget Office has yet to formally score the proposal, but multiple Hill staffers said they were told the total cost would be in the range of $215 million, as compared to the $600 million-plus annual loss on theft of SNAP and other benefits.

The main thing Congress has done about SNAP theft is to abandon a previous effort to help victims. The federal government had, since late 2022, been replacing people’s stolen funds, just as banks are required to do if your debit card is hacked. As a result, 753,929 households were compensated.

In December 2024, a bipartisan spending agreement that included a provision to extend these reimbursements through 2028 was on the brink of becoming law. But Elon Musk, who had been named a leader of the new Department of Government Efficiency, attacked the legislation more than 100 times on X, pushing to “defund everything.” (Musk did not reply to a request for comment.) Trump then sank the deal. Victims of SNAP theft can no longer get any of their benefits replaced. And with the government off the hook for losses, there is now less incentive to put money into the solution.

In the 22 months since, the Trump administration has gone on to strip funds for addressing EBT theft from the USDA’s annual budget requests to Congress, while cutting at least 650 of the staff of the federal Food and Nutrition Administration, the subagency that oversees SNAP. More than half of the technical experts whom the agency had hired to help it develop EBT card security guidance have been pushed out, according to the Government Accountability Office.

“Many of us who were working on fraud, we’ve left the federal government entirely,” said Kym Ayodeji, who had been a data scientist in the SNAP program until she departed this spring. (FNA, the agency she worked for, is also responsible for tracking fraud committed by retailers, which is far more prevalent than that committed by beneficiaries.) Ayodeji said she and her colleagues had been working on ways to identify retailers where unusually large quantities of certain items had been purchased and addresses where purchases made with many different EBT cards were being delivered. Some of this work was indefinitely delayed by firings, early retirements, agency reorganizations and government shutdowns, she said.

SNAP is federally funded and supervised. Congress and the USDA traditionally mandate, and pay much of the costs for, major changes to the system, especially involving technical coordination between states. States evaluate applicants and administer the accounts of those who are approved.

That said, states are allowed to adopt chip cards on their own. California has nearly completed the transition, and Alabama and Oklahoma began rolling out new cards this year. A handful of others initiated the process in recent months — before the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, starting Oct. 1, cut 50% of states’ administrative funding for SNAP, which Alabama and the others had tapped to transition to chip technology.

The rest — about 40 states — have likely missed their window, unless Congress acts. They’re also waiting for regulatory guidance on EBT card security and chip card implementation that the USDA has been claiming for nearly four years it is planning to publish. (The USDA Office of Inspector General has found that the agency’s failure to issue this has allowed the theft of at least $555 million in SNAP benefits.)

State-level SNAP administrators have also been overwhelmed with the hundreds of new requirements that the One Big Beautiful Bill Act has saddled them with. For one, the law mandates that states adopt intensive new work requirements for older adults and others, resulting in voluminous additional monthly paperwork. And federal funds will be slashed even further next year if states don’t scramble to reduce their “payment error rate,” a figure that measures unintentional over- and underpayments in SNAP benefits. With all of this to juggle, many state officials told ProPublica that they’ve put chip card implementation on hold in order to implement the Trump law — one of whose ostensible goals was to reduce fraud.

All the while, that law has cut food aid for more than 1.2 million children. The USDA’s Rollins has said that nearly 6 million people in total have been “moved off SNAP” during the current administration.

The White House declined to respond to a detailed list of questions. A USDA spokesperson, in an emailed statement, did not refute that Rollins has focused on individual SNAP recipient fraud rather than on EBT theft, but said that finding “cracks in public statements screams politics, not fact-finding.” The spokesperson also did not address ProPublica’s reporting showing that the agency has failed to deliver solutions on EBT theft specifically. Instead, the statement pointed to the agency’s work, in collaboration with the Department of Justice, combating retailer fraud. The USDA says it has cracked down on thousands of stores that were abusing their SNAP privileges.

Absent action from Congress or USDA leadership, it has largely been left to the Secret Service to apply an enforcement approach to what is arguably a policy problem. Agents first went after gangs like the Red Bull Crew, often by watching hours upon hours of grocery store surveillance footage. More recently, they’ve tried to get ahead of the scammers by heading to cities that have been hit by EBT theft attacks and then going store to store to check card readers for skimming devices. The agency has run more than 70 of these operations since April 2024, independent of any White House initiative.

Most of them are led by Peck, the assistant special agent in charge. With his form-fitting black polo tucked into cargo pants and a contoured beard, he has a flat affect even as he lists off colorful details like how the criminals sometimes ship dishwashers full of cash overseas. But he also emphasizes the vulnerability of the victims and wishes there was even more his team could do for them. “The U.S. has been fighting the War on Drugs and the War on Terror for how many years?” he said. “We are pushing hard and we’re doing all we can with the resources and abilities that we have.”

One bright morning in late June, dozens of law enforcement officers gathered in a Secret Service meeting room on the top floor of a downtown Brooklyn skyscraper, with a commanding view of the New York City skyline. In addition to unarmed Secret Service analysts in short-sleeved shirts inscribed with the field office they were joining from (Nashville, Miami, San Diego), there were agents from the USDA Office of Inspector General as well as a smattering of NYPD officers — who had guns, handcuffs and the jurisdiction to make arrests should anything go awry that day.

From a podium, Peck recapped how the multiday New York operation was going so far, including that the previous day, officers had happened upon two foreign nationals installing a skimming device, chased them down and made arrests. “Be safe, watch backs, stay fed,” he concluded.

Then everyone dispersed into teams of three or four. Each was given a list of dozens of stores in Brooklyn or Queens — disproportionately ethnic and dollar stores, but also some larger chains like 7-11 — that they were assigned to visit, based on data analytics showing where skimming activity was most probable.

The squad that ProPublica joined was headed to Midwood, in South Brooklyn, which is home to Orthodox Jews and immigrants from the Middle East, Central Asia and elsewhere. As we walked around the neighborhood with these federal agents, we got plenty of confused looks and some scared ones, too.

“Hello, we’re here with the Secret Service,” one of the analysts would say upon entering each store. Then they’d ask the store manager for permission to inspect each card reader. They also handed out flyers in four languages telling the cashiers what to look out for.

When they did find a skimming device, they donned gloves and masks to handle it. After prying it off the card reader, they bagged it and tagged it, to be sent in for DNA and fingerprint testing as well as digital forensic analysis. Maybe a lead could be extracted, a connection to a larger EBT theft ring.

These missions are clearly well-intentioned, and every skimmer removed saves families from being deprived of food. Yet, plainly, conducting store-to-store checks of card readers is inefficient. Over the course of two years, the agency has spent tens of thousands of staff hours checking 69,805 point-of-sale terminals at stores, 42,972 gas pumps and 10,661 ATMs. They’ve found 637 skimming devices. And as one agent told ProPublica, “There could be a new skimmer on there tomorrow.”

Ultimately, it just won’t be possible to arrest one’s way out of this crisis, both federal and state law enforcement officials acknowledged. Low-level runners keep arriving from Romania and elsewhere; even if they do get caught, they’re often able to bond out of jail because they’re only facing state charges for nonviolent offenses. Then they disappear.

Funding for chip EBT cards still faces dim prospects on Capitol Hill, according to Democratic and Republican lawmakers and staffers, even with newfound support from major retailer associations and big players like Walmart. There’s a chip card provision in the Senate’s draft version of this year’s Farm Bill, but the whole package is mired in a dispute between the parties — over the One Big Beautiful Bill Act’s cuts to SNAP funding — that looks like it will last until well after the midterm elections. This almost doesn’t matter, given that on the House side, the Farm Bill has already passed, and it contains no funding for chip cards.

And there’s been no movement on repeated bipartisan proposals from Sen. John Fetterman of Pennsylvania and others to renew the reimbursement program for families that have had their food assistance taken.

Certainly, the mass distribution of any new payment technology isn’t easy. California, Alabama and Oklahoma have had to phase in their new cards gradually, allowing customers to still use the card’s magnetic stripe if the chip isn’t working everywhere yet. And they’ve tried to notify rural convenience stores and gas stations, and help corner bodegas update their card readers, so that no one is left with only a chip card in a desert of stores that still just accept magnetic stripe.

But by doing all of this and employing additional data tools, California has reduced the theft of food and cash benefits by as much as 83% in just two years, the governor’s office said. And Alabama officials claim their state hasn’t had any confirmed EBT theft cases since they began to distribute chip cards this year.

Still, chip cards aren’t the entire solution and doubtlessly, scammers will find clever ways to get around this technology. Moreover, SNAP recipients have largely been denied the basic services that banks and credit card companies use to block likely fraudulent transactions in real time. (Think of the email or text alerts you get from your bank when suspicious purchases are attempted with your card information.)

If states were to try this without federal help, they would have to individually pay for the additional security features. Most have gone for cheaper options like advising or requiring SNAP recipients to change their PIN regularly and to lock their card when not using it. Both are useful stopgaps but require constant diligence.

State and county SNAP caseworkers said they’ve been deeply frustrated that ever since Trump and Musk killed the reimbursement program, all they can do for victims is suggest they change their PIN more often and maybe try reporting the crime to local law enforcement. “It is a short conversation,” said Norman Vogele, a caseworker in Oregon. The date of the crime and the missing amount is recorded. “It isn’t clear why we even do that much,” he said, “as there is zero recourse.”

The Red Bull Crew stayed on the run for over a year, using looted food benefits to buy hundreds of thousands of dollars of bulk energy drinks in Oklahoma, Kansas, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia. After hundreds of hours of surveillance by the Secret Service, federal prosecutors and local authorities, all but one of the members were arrested and served sentences ranging from one to three years. They’ve all since been released, and some may have been deported.

Meanwhile, every day, SNAP theft sprees keep popping up in new corners of the country. A Secret Service official sounded gloomy about the pursuit of street-level operatives on its own, without policy change. “You can arrest them,” he said. “But essentially once you take them off the street, there’s 10 more that are doing the same thing.”

The post Scammers Are Stealing Millions From Food Stamp Recipients. Congress Could Fix It — but Won’t. appeared first on ProPublica.

In 2020, seven years after he was appointed to represent a client who claimed he was wrongly convicted, attorney Scott Galloway told the judge that he was still looking into the case and needed more time.  

“I am still in the process of interviewing individuals,” the lawyer wrote to the judge in Delaware County, outside Philadelphia, who had already granted him 32 extensions. 

His client, Nolan O’Neal, had been a 20-year-old high school student when he was arrested for murder by Chester police, who had four eyewitnesses identifying him. At his 2005 trial, those witnesses all recanted, saying police had pressured them to accuse O’Neal. 

By the time Galloway joined the case, in 2013, O’Neal had already spent eight years in prison insisting he was innocent. The lawyer’s job was to help him file a petition under Pennsylvania’s Post Conviction Relief Act. That law provided a narrow path to freedom if Galloway could find crucial new evidence or prove that previous lawyers had mishandled the case.

But court records do not show that the attorney did much other than ask for more time. 

In 2022, after nine years, one unsuccessful request to access evidence and 41 extensions, Galloway filed a two-page petition addressing just one of the many issues O’Neal had wanted him to raise. It would not be enough to get O’Neal his day in court. 

For more than half a century, Pennsylvania has promised people who claim they didn’t get a fair trial the right to “effective” post-conviction legal representation, regardless of their ability to pay. That’s more than most states promise people after they have been convicted and lost their appeals.  

Yet Pennsylvania has done little to fulfill that promise. The Philadelphia Inquirer and ProPublica previously reported that Pennsylvania lets lawyers resolve cases quickly using a practice that is discouraged in several states: filing “no-merit” letters, also known as Finley letters, urging judges to reject their clients’ handwritten or typed claims. In Philadelphia, dozens who had received such letters later had their convictions or sentences overturned based on issues their lawyers had rejected or overlooked. 

But the problems go deeper than that: The state’s loose rules and its failure to fund post-conviction work have made the type of breakdown O’Neal encountered a recurring feature of this system. 

By filing public records requests with courts serving all 67 Pennsylvania counties and analyzing a decade of court dockets, an Inquirer and ProPublica investigation found that the system Pennsylvania set up to protect the right to counsel instead allows, or even encourages, shoddy representation.

The news organizations found that:

• Unlike in other types of appeals, attorneys handling post-conviction cases work under no particular timeline and are allowed numerous extensions. The state also has no standards regarding how many cases lawyers should be assigned, and many counties ask lawyers to sign contracts that set no limit on the number of cases courts can assign them. At least 250 people have languished in prison for five years or longer while waiting for their lawyers to act. 
• Unlike some other states, such as North Carolina and New York, Pennsylvania requires no specific training, experience or qualifications for appointed post-trial lawyers, and it holds them to few standards. Lawyers are not required to speak to their clients or take other basic investigative steps before withdrawing from cases by writing no-merit letters.  
• Pennsylvania, which lags behind almost every other state in funding legal defense for poor people, known as indigent defense, dedicates no money for post-trial work. Instead, it leaves it up to each individual county to set pay rates. A majority of county court systems use flat-rate fee structures that some other states ban. 

While almost every county in the state has a public defender office, most post-conviction cases are handled by private lawyers who are paid hourly, by the case or by the year and work with little to no supervision. Our review of court records found pay as low as $500 per case and delays as long as 19 years without a single court filing. 

In some counties, contracted lawyers’ backlogs spanned dozens of cases. In Chester County, an affluent region west of Philadelphia, a lawyer left cases untouched for as long as two years before the county ended his contract last fall.  

Delaware County, where O’Neal was convicted, relies on a group of part-time lawyers to handle most of its post-trial matters. One is Galloway, who has handled 20 or 30 post-trial cases per year for the county in addition to running his own law practice and, for a time, holding local elected office. Galloway said that his ethical obligation to confidentiality prevented him from commenting on O’Neal’s case. Judge George A. Pagano, who granted him 41 extensions on O’Neal’s case, declined to comment.

In the years Galloway was on the case, O’Neal wrote him dozens of letters from state prison, proposing legal arguments and sending leads to investigate. 

“It is a daunting and exhausting task to navigate this legal process and be heard,” O’Neal said in an interview. “We at times even have to fight the attorneys who are supposed to represent us.” 

In 2020, he received a letter from the brother of the murder victim, admitting that his testimony against O’Neal was a lie. “I want to fix it. I know my brother would want me to. It’s been long enough,” he wrote. O’Neal said he pleaded with Galloway to track down the man. 

In 2022, Galloway attached the brother’s signed statement to a sparse two-page brief, which mentioned none of the other issues O’Neal had raised nine years earlier or the other witnesses who’d come forward over the years. The judge started the process of dismissing the claim. One reason: The filing had been made too late. O’Neal is still fighting his case, now with a new court-appointed lawyer.

Delays and Extensions

Before they are assigned a lawyer, Pennsylvania prisoners must write the first draft of their post-conviction filing on their own within a strict one-year deadline. The lawyers appointed to revise their petitions, on the other hand, are not generally held to any timeline. The state courts say lawyers should act “expeditiously so as to reduce unnecessary delays.” Yet judges have granted extensions liberally, court dockets show, and in many cases failed to impose any deadlines at all.  

An Inquirer and ProPublica review of court dockets found that hundreds of people have waited two years or longer, only to receive no-merit letters. That analysis is an undercount, since many court clerks don’t clearly label attorney filings on their dockets. In Philadelphia alone, some 65 people have waited three to eight years for lawyers to take action before reaching that same outcome. Similarly, across the state, dockets show that lawyers received seven or more extensions in dozens of cases before filing Finley letters or nothing at all. 

In 2017, Lee Mandell, who has been practicing law in Philadelphia for more than 50 years, sent a Finley letter saying that he’d written to but never spoken with his client of four years and did not understand his claims.

“It is entirely unclear as to what the defendant really means,” wrote Mandell. In his own review of the case, Mandell failed to flag an erroneous jury instruction that four years later would lead to the conviction being overturned. Mandell was later formally reprimanded for allowing another client’s hearing to be delayed by six years, during which time two witnesses died. He did not return calls seeking comment.

Judges’ inaction added to lawyers’ delays, leaving matters to stagnate for years on end. In 2023, the state’s Superior Court registered such concerns about a case from Wayne County, where a lawyer filed a “two-page, deficient motion to withdraw, and the PCRA court did nothing in this case for 20 years.” 

To be sure, there can be good reasons for delays, since investigations can be complex. Lawyers have spent years chasing down missing witnesses, litigating requests for DNA testing or combing through police files. 

But in almost 200 post-conviction cases across Pennsylvania in the last 15 years, lawyers were appointed, then filed nothing at all over the span of a year or longer before being replaced with a new appointed lawyer. One of the cases stagnated for almost seven years, only for a new attorney to pick up the file. Another man was appointed five lawyers over eight years, dockets show, none of whom filed anything on his behalf.

Court officials have long been aware of the backlogs wracking this system, even publishing a law review article about it in 2003. The study outlined needed reforms but acknowledged the lack of political will, saying the “low status” of these cases stems from a bias among judges and lawyers who believe “that most post conviction claims are frivolous.”

No Standards for Lawyering

The loose timeline is just one dimension of a system with few standards. The state has published no best practices for indigent defense or guidelines on how many cases a lawyer can take; it has provided no training and instituted virtually no guidelines to ensure that court-appointed lawyers are qualified. As a result, lawyers hold widely diverging views on just what obligations they have to their clients.

The Inquirer and ProPublica previously found that about three-quarters of the time, Philadelphia lawyers who ended up filing Finley letters did not take basic steps such as meeting with their client, tracking down the trial lawyer’s file and obtaining all available discovery. 

“I do not know how you can evaluate trial counsel’s performance, which is the main role of post-conviction counsel, without talking to your client and reading trial counsel’s file,” said Jennifer Merrigan, a co-founder of Phillips Black, a nonprofit law firm. That file would reveal whether the lawyer consulted with experts, received all relevant evidence from the prosecutor and investigated potential witnesses. 

The state’s lack of vetting and training stands in contrast with national norms. A majority of other states have centralized defender services or support offices that provide resources, education and oversight. For instance, in North Carolina, appeals lawyers seeking court appointments must apply with the state appellate defender and submit references, work history showing the lawyer is qualified to litigate appeals and legal writing samples. They’re also required to take a training course covering strategy and best practices. 

Even without a statewide office, Pennsylvania’s Supreme Court could establish minimum qualifications for lawyers handling indigent defense. In August, a state court committee published such a proposal, but it recommends only that lawyers have relevant work experience “to the extent practicable.” Work experience requirements have been enforced in some other states, such as Ohio, for years. But the committee’s proposal argued that work experience is not “possible to quantify” and that “less-than-experienced representation is better than no representation.”  

Ted Skaarup, a public defender who has advocated for training and qualification requirements, said inexperienced and untrained lawyers are more likely to default to writing Finley letters. New lawyers, he said, are left to consult with older attorneys who may pass on bad practices. “You go to them for advice and they say, ‘I’ll send you a copy of my [no-merit] letter.’”

Only one of the state’s 67 counties provided written criteria requiring specific work experience for lawyers to be appointed to post-conviction cases in response to records requests. Philadelphia court leadership says that lawyers must complete a training session and show they’ve recently handled three hearings involving disputed evidence. A volunteer panel tasked with approving prospective lawyers there rarely meets and is not empowered to approve or reject candidates based on writing samples, a core part of screening appeals lawyers in some other places.

In Pittsburgh, the nonprofit Allegheny Lawyers Initiative for Justice has urged local court officials to set up a system to screen and supervise appointed lawyers. For now, the organization is running its own voluntary trainings, as well as a resource center with office hours, a library of sample motions and help with social service referrals. 

Without such systems, the organization’s executive director, Rob Perkins, said, “There’s no quality control.” Lawyers can get away with “doing a poor job in these cases for years without anyone really paying attention.”

“Your Incentive Is to Do the Least Work”

When attorney Corrie Woods took over Washington County’s post-conviction caseload in 2020, he was startled to discover about a dozen files that had been untouched since being assigned to the previous lawyer in 2019 or earlier. In some, the lawyer’s inaction had caused the clients to lose their appeal rights.

Looking back, Woods said, it’s not surprising, given that the western Pennsylvania county was paying him $25,000 a year as a part-timer for up to 24 cases. “These cases are not going to take priority in most law offices,” said Woods, who now handles mostly personal injury cases. 

Under such a contract, he said, “Your incentive is to do the least work. You’re not getting more for doing more.” 

The American Bar Association has long opposed such flat-fee pay structures for that reason. States including Colorado, Idaho and Nevada have banned them. 

Not Pennsylvania. The state began contributing any money to indigent defense only in 2023. Today it kicks in just 57 cents per capita; neighboring states, on average, pay $26 per resident. Counties provide the rest as they see fit. A pending American Civil Liberties Union lawsuit claims that has resulted in widespread violations of the right to counsel.

Pennsylvania Spends Less Than Most Other States on Indigent Defense

At 57 cents per resident, Pennsylvania’s state-level contribution toward funding legal defense for poor people is a fraction of what neighboring states pay.

About three-quarters of Pennsylvanians live in counties that use flat-fee arrangements or cap the amount a lawyer can bill for a case. Daniel Buzard, the court administrator in the county where Woods held the contract several years ago, said in an email, “This provides financial stability for both parties.”  

Some counties pay as little as $500 per case. Based on time estimates from Maine, one of the only states to publish post-conviction workload standards, that would come out to $11 per hour.

Twenty-one Pennsylvania counties offer flat annual pay for part-time lawyers — sometimes then assigning them caseloads that exceed Maine’s standard for full-time work.

Only five of the 18 contracts obtained in response to public records requests included a limit on the number of cases the court could heap onto a lawyer. None of the contracts set deadlines, specified a time commitment or described any oversight mechanism.

Stuart Wilder said his contract to handle post-conviction cases in Bucks County, outside Philadelphia, kept the lights on in his office for years. He worked hard for clients, he said, and won several challenging cases. But he said the flat-fee structure did require him to deprioritize cases where he didn’t see merit. 

“Being able to file Finley letters gave me the time to work on cases I could fix,” said Wilder, who recently retired.

But in at least three counties, contract lawyers left multiple clients stranded for a year or longer with no progress on their cases, dockets show.

In 2021, the court in Erie County yanked 50 cases from attorney James P. Miller and eventually reported him for discipline, citing extreme delays that cost some clients their appeal rights. Miller, whose law license was suspended as a result, declined to comment. But Erie court administrator Robert Catalde said the debacle spurred the county to double lawyers’ pay to $46,800 and provide benefits. 

A similar situation played out last year in Chester County, which abruptly ended its contract with the lawyer handling all its post-conviction cases, Charles Thomas Jr., after discovering that he had been putting in an average of just five hours a week across his roughly 25 cases.

One client, Patrick Hickson, said he spent two years trying to get Thomas to track down evidence that could clear him of a 2018 shooting or at least prove he didn’t get a fair trial. His defense lawyer had failed to call a single witness — admitting to the judge, mid-trial, that he’d wrongly assumed the prosecutor would send a summons to an eyewitness who had told police Hickson wasn’t the shooter. 

To raise the issue, Hickson needed Thomas to track down the missing witness. But when he reached Thomas by phone in August 2025, for the first time in months, the lawyer told him he was off the case. “He said the courts told him he was taking too long,” Hickson said. Thomas declined to comment. 

Chester County criminal court administrator Jordan Ludwick acknowledged concerns about the delays but said he resolved the problem by finding a qualified lawyer to take over the contract. 

That attorney, Shannon McDonald, said it was “not an easy transition.” 

“There were many cases that had not been touched at all,” she said. 

She cut through the backlog by filing 17 briefs in just over three months. All but three were Finley letters. 

“The case has to survive on the merits,” she said, “and, frankly, the deck is stacked against overturning a case.”

This March, she also sent Hickson a Finley letter. McDonald said ethics rules prevented her from discussing Hickson’s case, but in the letter she blamed Hickson for failing to track down the would-be witness and said his trial lawyer had a strategic reason for not sending the subpoena.

Reading the letter, Hickson said, “I felt defeated.” 

Since McDonald asked to drop the case, he is pursuing exoneration alone.

The post He Waited Nine Years in Prison for His Lawyer to File a Single Brief. In This State, There’s No Rule Against It. appeared first on ProPublica.

Una vulnerabilità critica in Bricksforge per WordPress sta esponendo migliaia di siti a un rischio elevatissimo: l'esecuzione di codice da remoto (RCE). Questa falla di sicurezza, identificata come CVE-2024-25137, ha ricevuto il massimo punteggio di gravità, un CVSS di 10.0.

Cosa significa? Un malintenzionato potrebbe prendere il controllo completo del tuo sito web senza nemmeno doversi autenticare.

Vediamo insieme di cosa si tratta e, soprattutto, come puoi difenderti.

Cos'è Bricksforge in WordPress e perché questa vulnerabilità è così pericolosa?

Bricksforge è un popolare add-on per Bricks Builder, uno strumento molto amato per la creazione di siti WordPress. Aggiunge funzionalità avanzate come form complessi, animazioni e gestione di dati dinamici. Il cuore del problema risiede proprio nella gestione del processo di upload dei file tramite i suoi moduli di contatto. La pericolosità di questa falla è estrema.

Un utente non autenticato può sfruttarla per caricare un file PHP malevolo sul tuo server e poi eseguirlo. Da quel momento, le possibilità per l'attaccante sono infinite:

• Installare una web shell per avere accesso persistente al sito.
• Modificare i contenuti delle tue pagine o rubare dati sensibili.
• Reindirizzare i tuoi visitatori verso siti di phishing o malware.
• Utilizzare il tuo server per lanciare altri attacchi.

In parole semplici, è come lasciare la porta di casa non solo aperta, ma con un invito scritto per i ladri.

Come funziona l'attacco in dettaglio

Per capire come proteggersi, è utile comprendere il meccanismo dell'attacco e conoscere gli attacchi simili avvenuti in passato. Gli hacker hanno scoperto un modo per aggirare i controlli di sicurezza del plugin.

Il processo di upload ingannato

L'attacco si svolge in due fasi. Inizialmente, l'hacker carica un file che si presenta come un'immagine innocua, ad esempio un file .gif. Il plugin esegue un primo controllo sul tipo di file (MIME type) e, riconoscendolo come immagine, lo accetta e lo salva in una cartella temporanea.

Il problema sorge nella seconda fase. L'hacker invia una richiesta di sottomissione del modulo creata ad hoc. In questa richiesta, specifica il percorso del file "immagine" appena caricato, ma indica una destinazione finale con estensione .php. Il plugin, fidandosi delle informazioni fornite, sposta il contenuto del file (che include codice PHP malevolo) nella nuova posizione con la nuova estensione. A questo punto, all'hacker basta visitare l'URL del file per eseguire il codice e compromettere il sito.

L'automazione degli attacchi

Le analisi dei ricercatori di sicurezza, come Patchstack, mostrano che questi tentativi di attacco sono altamente automatizzati. Sono stati registrati exploit provenienti da decine di indirizzi IP diversi, spesso a pochi secondi di distanza l'uno dall'altro. Questo indica una campagna diffusa che mira a colpire il maggior numero possibile di siti vulnerabili.

Stai usando Bricksforge in WordPress? Ecco come proteggerti da questa vulnerabilità

Se utilizzi Bricksforge nel tuo sito in WordPress, la tua priorità assoluta è agire immediatamente contro questa vulnerabilità. Non attendere di notare comportamenti anomali sul tuo sito, perché a quel punto potrebbe essere già troppo tardi.

Aggiornamento immediato: la prima linea di difesa

La soluzione è semplice e diretta: aggiornare il plugin. Gli sviluppatori hanno già rilasciato le patch correttive.

La falla di sicurezza riguarda tutte le versioni di Bricksforge fino alla 3.1.8.9 inclusa. Aggiorna immediatamente alla versione 3.1.8.10 o successiva.

Il team ha rilasciato anche una correzione per i Pro Forms nella versione 4.0.1. Si raccomanda l'aggiornamento anche se non usi moduli con campi di upload. Non rimandare questo passaggio. È il modo più efficace per chiudere la porta agli aggressori.

Verifica e pulizia del sito: cosa cercare

Se temi che il tuo sito sia già stato compromesso o vuoi fare un controllo di sicurezza, ecco alcuni passaggi da seguire:

• Ispeziona i log del server: cerca richieste sospette, in particolare verso /wp-json/bricksforge/v1/form_submit.
• Controlla le cartelle di upload: esamina attentamente la cartella /wp-content/uploads/bricksforge/tmp/ e altre directory di upload alla ricerca di file PHP inaspettati o file con nomi strani.
• Scansiona il tuo sito: utilizza un plugin di sicurezza affidabile per eseguire una scansione completa alla ricerca di malware e file sospetti.

La vulnerabilità di Bricksforge in WordPress nel contesto globale

Questo incidente non è un caso isolato. Sottolinea ancora una volta un punto cruciale nella gestione di un sito WordPress: la gestione delle vulnerabilità.

I plugin, per quanto utili, possono diventare punti deboli se non vengono mantenuti aggiornati. Le falle di sicurezza legate all'upload di file sono comuni e pericolose perché offrono una via d'accesso diretta al server.

La lezione è chiara: mantieni sempre il core di WordPress, i temi e i plugin aggiornati all'ultima versione. La sicurezza informatica non è un'attività da fare una tantum, ma un processo continuo di vigilanza e manutenzione.

L'articolo Vulnerabilità Bricksforge WordPress e come proteggere il tuo sito proviene da sicurezza.net.

Hello.

I think it would be nice if peertube could port its app to tv platforms like Android TV, Apple TV, Tizen, etc.

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By Louise John, Head of IT Service Delivery at Virgin Active

For IT managers, unexpected projects and changing business priorities are normal part of the job.

You might have spent months planning your team’s workload, but only to be told with little warning that a new software solution needs to be implemented within six weeks.

Whatever the circumstances, the responsibility for delivering these projects often falls on IT teams, even when they have had little involvement in the decisions behind them.

As a manager, this can be particularly challenging because you are expected to deliver results within tight deadlines, while also managing your team’s existing workload, keeping up staff morale while also protecting them from burnout.

So, how can you support your team when unexpected projects land on their desks?

Prioritise and manage expectations

The first thing I would recommend is establishing what actually needs to be delivered and by when.

If a new software implementation has been given a six-week deadline, what are the absolute essentials that need to be completed within that timeframe?

Rather than attempting to deliver everything at once, identify what is achievable and communicate this to senior leadership. Managing expectations upwards is just as important as managing the team responsible for delivery.

It’s also important to involve your team in these conversations. Be honest about what is expected, explain the priorities and ask what they realistically believe can be achieved.

Protect your team’s wellbeing

Unexpected projects inevitably create pressure, particularly when teams are already managing demanding workloads.

As a manager, you need to recognise this and consider what additional support might be required.

Could working hours be more flexible? Can existing projects be paused or reassigned? Do you need additional resources? If employees are required to work extra hours, can they take time back once the project is completed?

It’s also important to establish boundaries and make sure your team isn’t expected to deliver everything simultaneously.

When workloads become overwhelming, it helps to focus on one task at a time rather than worrying about the hundred things still to do.

Finally, don’t underestimate the importance of keeping morale high. Even during the busiest periods, celebrating small wins, recognising people’s efforts and maintaining a sense of humour can make a big difference.

Ultimately, IT managers cannot always control the projects or deadlines handed to them, but they can control how they support their teams through them.

Louise is speaking at DTX + UCX London 2026, taking place at ExCeL London on 14 and 15 October.

Join Louise on Wednesday 14 October, from 12:10pm to 12:50pm, on the Design & Delivery Stage, for a panel discussion titled Caught in the middle: Leading digital change when nobody prepared you for it.

She will be joined by Rebecca d’Orazi Flavoni, Digital Growth and Training Consultant at RDF Training & Consulting; Greg Ferrari, Executive Director of Performance and Transformation at AAT; and Roger Kirby, Senior Enterprise Architect at AstraZeneca.

Together, they will explore how managers can balance pressure from senior leadership, protect their teams from burnout and successfully deliver digital change, even when they haven’t been given the tools or context to do so.

The post Leading digital change when nobody prepared you for it appeared first on IT Security Guru.

Ahead of their participation at DTX + UCX London 2026, Lee Robson, AWS Greenfield Practice Lead at Ingram Micro shares what the company will be showcasing at the event and explains what trends will impact the channel in the year ahead.

1. How is Ingram Micro participating in DTX + UCX 2026?

Ingram Micro will be showcasing how organisations can accelerate innovation with AWS. Our team will be demonstrating practical AI, cloud and security solutions, including AWS Quick, Claude via Amazon Bedrock, FinOps-led cloud optimisation and AWS security assessments. We’ll be connecting customers with specialist partners that can help turn strategy into measurable business outcomes. 

2. What are the key messages you will be promoting to delegates of the show?

Our message is simple: unlock the value of AI and cloud while maintaining control of cost, security and governance. We’ll be highlighting how AWS enables organisations to innovate faster, connect apps, data, and teams so answers turn into action instantly with AWS Quick, adopt generative AI through Claude via Bedrock, optimise cloud spend through FinOps, and strengthen their security posture.

3. What are the biggest challenges organisations face when purchasing technology through the channel?

Many organisations are overwhelmed by the pace of technology change, particularly around AI and cloud. Common challenges include understanding where to start, selecting the right solutions, managing cloud costs, ensuring security and compliance, and finding the skills required to implement and support new technologies successfully.

4. How can dedicated, experienced partners solve these challenges?

Experienced partners help customers move from technology discussions to business outcomes. With Ingram Micro, they remove the barrier to entry for a lot of businesses and provide strategic guidance, technical expertise and proven delivery frameworks that reduce risk and accelerate adoption. Partners can also help organisations optimise AWS investments, implement AI responsibly, improve security and create clear roadmaps for long-term success.

5. What trends do you believe will impact the channel in the year ahead?

Generative AI adoption will continue to accelerate, but organisations will increasingly focus on governance, security and achieving measurable ROI. We also expect greater emphasis on FinOps as cloud estates mature, alongside growing demand for cybersecurity services. Partners that combine AI expertise, cloud optimisation and security capabilities will be best positioned for growth.

The post DTX + UCX 2026: Ingram Micro on Unlocking AI and Cloud Without Losing Control appeared first on IT Security Guru.

Hello,

Cela fait un an qui j’utilise PeerTube pour du live et de la diffusion de vidéo, j’adore ! merci l’équipe !

J’ai un souci avec une de mes vidéos :

Que puis-je faire pour corriger ça ?

7 messages - 2 participant(e)s

Lire le sujet en entier

Bonjour,

Je n’arrive pas à lier DAVx5 et mon calendrier FRAMAGENDA.
Je reçois l’erreur "Aucun accès possible au service CalDAV ou CardDAV.

J’ai un pixel 8, sous android 17.

J’utilise la double authentifications pour l’accès à Framagenda.

Voici comment je configure DAVx5

url de base https ://framagenda.org/remote.php/dav/

j’ai aussi essayé : https ://framagenda.org / http ://framagenda.org/remote.php/dav/ / http ://framagenda.org

(sans les espaces entre « https » et « :// »)

Nom d’utilisateur : J’ai essayé avec mon nom d’utilisateur ainsi que mon adresse mail

Mot de passe : mot de passe d’application (aussi le mot de passe du compte FRAMAGENDAS, sans succès). En désactivant la double authentification, cela ne marche pas non plus.

Vous avez une idée du problème ? (j’ai déjà regardé sur le forum, je n’ai pas réussi non plus avec les solutions proposées)

D’avance merci.

3 messages - 2 participant(e)s

Lire le sujet en entier

I limiti gratuiti di Google Gemini stanno per cambiare. Se utilizzi l'intelligenza artificiale di Google, questa è una notizia che ti riguarda da vicino.

Recentemente, l'azienda ha introdotto una novità significativa per la versione gratuita del suo chatbot AI: una modalità automatica. Questo sistema gestisce i modelli linguistici in base alla complessità delle tue richieste.

Ma cosa significa in pratica? Scopriamolo insieme.

Cos'è la nuova modalità automatica di Gemini?

Fino a oggi, la versione gratuita di Gemini si affidava principalmente al modello Gemini 1.0 Pro. Ora, il sistema diventa più intelligente. Google ha implementato una modalità automatica che agisce come un direttore d'orchestra per l'intelligenza artificiale. In pratica, Gemini analizza la tua domanda (il "prompt") e decide in autonomia quale modello utilizzare. Per richieste semplici, come chiedere una ricetta o il riassunto di un breve testo, potrebbe usare un modello più piccolo e scattante. Se invece la tua richiesta è più complessa, come scrivere codice o analizzare un dataset, attiverà il più potente Gemini 1.0 Pro. L'obiettivo è offrirti sempre la risposta migliore, bilanciando prestazioni e risorse.

Quali sono i veri limiti gratuiti per Google Gemini?

Con questa novità, arrivano anche limitazioni più chiare sull'uso del servizio. Sebbene Google non abbia fornito numeri precisi, ha confermato che la versione gratuita avrà dei limiti di utilizzo giornalieri e, potenzialmente, orari. Questo non significa che il servizio diventi inutile. Significa che è pensato per un uso "normale" e non per sessioni di lavoro estremamente intense. Puoi imparare a fruttare al meglio questa AI, anche con le nuove limitazioni, leggendo il nostro approfondimento.

Questi limiti gestiscono l'enorme carico sui server e garantiscono un'esperienza fluida a tutti. Se dovessi raggiungere la soglia, Gemini ti avviserà, invitandoti a riprovare più tardi.

I limiti gratuiti di Google Gemini nel dettaglio

Cosa succede quando si parla di limiti nella versione gratuita di Gemini? Ecco i punti chiave da tenere a mente:

• Limiti sull'intensità: non si tratta di un blocco su determinate funzioni, ma sulla quantità di richieste che puoi fare in un dato arco di tempo.
• Limiti dinamici: le soglie non sono fisse. Potrebbero variare in base al traffico generale sulla piattaforma per mantenere il servizio stabile e performante.
• Nessuna sorpresa: se raggiungi il limite, un messaggio ti informerà della situazione senza bloccarti all'improvviso.
• L'alternativa a pagamento: per chi necessita di più potenza senza limiti, la soluzione è Gemini Advanced. Offre accesso al modello Ultra 1.0 e una capacità di elaborazione superiore.

Cosa significa per l'utente medio?

Per la maggior parte delle attività quotidiane, probabilmente noterai pochi cambiamenti. Infatti se usi Gemini per scrivere email, fare brainstorming o chiedere informazioni, l'esperienza resterà ottima e gratuita. La modalità automatica potrebbe persino renderla più veloce per le domande semplici.

I limiti si faranno sentire soprattutto per gli "heavy user": sviluppatori, scrittori che generano lunghi testi o ricercatori. Per loro, le conversazioni lunghe e le sessioni di lavoro intense potrebbero essere interrotte, spingendoli a considerare l'upgrade a Gemini Advanced.

Gemini gratuito è ancora valido?

La risposta è un deciso sì. Gemini gratuito non solo rimane uno strumento potentissimo, ma con la nuova modalità automatica diventa anche più efficiente. Google sta semplicemente tracciando una linea più netta tra un uso occasionale e quello professionale intensivo. Quindi, non preoccuparti. Continua a esplorare le potenzialità di Gemini, con la consapevolezza che i suoi limiti sono pensati per garantire un servizio equo e accessibile a milioni di persone.

L'articolo Google Gemini e i limiti gratuiti: cosa cambia davvero per te? proviene da sicurezza.net.

Pendant que les feuilles tombent des arbres, @Khrys ramasse les nouvelles pour son #KhrysPresso hebdomadaire.

https://framablog.org/2026/10/12/khryspresso-du-lundi-12-octobre-2026/

(Photo de Dominic Alves - cc-by)

Comme chaque lundi, un coup d’œil dans le rétroviseur pour découvrir les informations que vous avez peut-être ratées la semaine dernière.

Tous les liens listés ci-dessous sont a priori accessibles librement. Si ce n’est pas le cas, pensez à activer votre bloqueur de javascript favori ou à passer en “mode lecture” (Firefox) ;-)

Brave New World

• Russie : une femme serait morte de la peste en Sibérie, Washington dit surveiller la situation « de près » (rfi.fr)
  

  Une femme est morte de la peste pulmonaire dans la région d’Irkoutsk, en Sibérie, dans l’est de la Russie, a annoncé vendredi 2 octobre un responsable régional, tandis qu’un média russe faisait état de dizaines de personnes placées en quarantaine. Les autorités russes ont, elles, minimisé ces informations

• Russie : épidémie de désinformation autour d’un cas suspect de peste (rfi.fr)
  

  Alors que l’agence sanitaire russe affirme qu’aucun risque épidémique n’existe dans la région d’Irkoutsk où un cas de peste pulmonaire est soupçonné suite au décès d’une jeune laborantine, les demandes d’explication se multiplient […] Les États-Unis, l’Union européenne mais aussi l’OMS demandent de la transparence. Dans le même temps, sur les réseaux sociaux, le flou alimente la désinformation.

• Ukrainian drone strikes have knocked out two of five data centers belonging to the Russian tech giant Yandex. (arstechnica.com)
  

  The damage has left Yandex, known as “Russia’s Google” because it operates the country’s most popular search engine, struggling to maintain its AI chatbot and other online services.

• L’Ukraine ne frapperait plus les raffineries russes si Moscou cessait ses attaques contre ses infrastructures énergétiques, affirme Zelensky (france24.com)
• Donald Trump annonce un « cessez-le-feu énergétique » entre Kiev et Moscou (letemps.ch)
  

  Le président américain déclare ce dimanche que l’Ukraine et la Russie sont convenues de ne plus frapper leurs infrastructures énergétiques. Le président ukrainien Volodymyr Zelensky s’est immédiatement dit prêt à appliquer cette mesure, mais a déploré dans la soirée de nouvelles frappes russes.

• Bruxelles cherche à taxer les grandes entreprises américaines du numérique sans les nommer (next.ink)
  

  On ne parle donc pas d’une nouvelle taxe sur le numérique US, plusieurs capitales européennes s’opposant à un tel projet pour ne pas froisser davantage la Maison-Blanche. Il s’agirait de maintenir une taxe applicable à tous les secteurs mais calibrée pour toucher surtout les plus grandes multinationales. Il se trouve simplement que beaucoup d’entre elles sont américaines…

• Souveraineté numérique : le rapport accablant qui pointe les lacunes de l’Europe (goodtech.info)
  

  Proclamer son indépendance technologique dans les colloques institutionnels est une chose, savoir administrer son code au quotidien en est une autre. Alors que Bruxelles promet deux milliards d’euros d’investissements dans son paquet législatif sur la souveraineté, les organisations du Vieux Continent affichent un décalage embarrassant entre leurs ambitions politiques et leurs pratiques réelles en ingénierie logicielle. Présenté lors de l’Open Source Summit Europe à Prague, le rapport annuel met en lumière une fracture béante : l’Europe consomme massivement des briques libres sans se donner la peine d’en piloter la maintenance.

• « Une loi Duplomb puissance 10 » : comprendre l’Omnibus pesticides (et pourquoi il inquiète) (basta.media)
  

  Dix ans d’autorisation en plus pour le glyphosate et l’acétamipride, sans aucune nouvelle évaluation. C’est une des mesures ahurissantes contre lesquelles se mobilise la société civile européenne. Voici ce qui se cache derrière le règlement « Omnibus X ».

• La Ville de Genève demande un arrêt immédiat des travaux de l’A412 (rts.ch)
  

  La Ville de Genève a engagé une nouvelle procédure judiciaire contre la future autoroute A412, qui reliera Thonons-les-Bains à Machilly, dans le Chablais français. Alors que les travaux sont en cours depuis un mois, le Conseil administratif craint des atteintes significatives à l’environnement.

• Crise du logement en Espagne : la retraitée à l’origine de la mobilisation est décédée (rfi.fr)
  

  La retraitée madrilène dont l’expulsion a déclenché des manifestations monstres contre la crise du logement en Espagne est morte mercredi 7 octobre. Les principaux syndicats du pays appellent à la mobilisation générale, alors qu’approchent les élections anticipées convoquées par Pedro Sanchez.

• Midterms aux États-Unis : Donald Trump, un soutien de plus en plus encombrant (rfi.fr)
  

  À trois semaines des élections de mi-mandat aux États-Unis, certain·es candidat·es républicain·es prennent leurs distances avec le président Donald Trump.

• Trump Mobile a des fuites (next.ink)
  

  Les noms, adresses email et postales, numéros de téléphone, et autres données personnelles de 3 615 clients de Trump Mobile sont dans la nature, rapporte le site Straight Arrow News. Les pirates de BYOD se sont infiltrés dans les serveurs de l’opérateur virtuel géré par des proches du président américain, et ont siphonné des informations sur les utilisateurices.

• Une statue inattendue a fait son entrée au Parlement européen à Strasbourg ce mardi 6 octobre. (huffingtonpost.fr)
  

  Celle-ci représente Donald Trump entièrement nu et couvert d’or. Le président américain est juché sur les épaules d’un autre homme, beaucoup plus petit et à la peine.Cette œuvre qui mesure environ deux mètres de hauteur a été réalisée par l’artiste danois Jens Galschiøt, qui l’a intitulée La Peste Orange.

• Au Brésil, l’extrême droite bolsonariste confirme son emprise (bondyblog.fr)
• “Plus jamais Bolsonaro” : des milliers de manifestant·es mobilisé·es avant le second tour au Brésil (france24.com)
  

  Portant des autocollants proclamant par exemple “Non au père, non au fils”, des milliers de Brésilien·nes ont participé mercredi à la manifestation convoquée à Rio de Janeiro par des organisations étudiantes. Iels appellent à faire barrage au sénateur conservateur Flavio Bolsonaro, arrivé en tête au premier tour face au président sortant Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.

Spécial IA

• En Europe, OpenAI tatoue les textes de ChatGPT pour se conformer à l’AI Act (next.ink)
  

  Après Anthropic qui a intégré une fonction de filigrane dans le texte généré par Claude (depuis Fable 5.1 plus précisément), c’est au tour d’OpenAI de respecter l’obligation européenne de permettre l’identification d’un texte généré par ChatGPT. Cette mesure, inscrite dans l’AI Act, est en vigueur depuis début août – les systèmes d’IA présents sur le marché ont jusqu’au 2 décembre pour respecter les obligations de marquage technique.

• AI glasses face their first major government crackdown (arstechnica.com)
  

  Norway wants time to write permanent rules for glasses that can record bystanders.

• Australia, Europe and US move to restrict smart glasses over privacy concerns (biometricupdate.com)
  

  Regulators, courts and government agencies move from warnings to formal restrictions on wearable cameras

• Mistral Unveils New ‘Le Chonk’ AI Model It Says Rivals Best Open Systems From China (news.slashdot.org)
• OpenAI unleashes hundreds more math results upon a field already « in shock » (scientificamerican.com)
  

  But OpenAI’s reputation, among mathematicians, for bold claims and little transparency is causing considerable skepticism.“Until and unless they release the model and people can replicate their results, I think you should treat any claims about one-shotting problems with a single agent as unverified”

• The Spectacle of AI taking over the world (europeanreviewofbooks.com)
  

  A group of French scientists sees OpenAI unjustly claiming it has solved the mathematical Navier-Stokes problem and sounds the alarm. A handful of tech moguls are establishing a private monopoly over cognition and knowledge.

• Comment les agents IA d’OpenAI infiltrent et défoncent l’infrastructure de Wikimedia (zdnet.fr)
  

  La fondation Wikimedia annonce la détection d’activités non autorisées menées par des agents autonomes d’OpenAI sur ses plateformes. Entre tentatives d’exploitation du contenu et requêtes massives provoquant des pannes, cet incident permet de chiffrer concrètement la pression financière et opérationnelle qu’exercent les acteurs de l’IA sur l’open web.

• AI coding agents generate more code, but not more software (arstechnica.com)
• Microsoft is about to let Copilot loose on your file system (theregister.com)
  

  But don’t worry, it’s totally safe because the agents and models will (probably) be running locally. Routers never break right ?

• Accept ‘bad things’ in return for benefits of AI, says Sam Altman (theguardian.com)
  

  Boss of OpenAI calls for a regulatory light touch because of the ‘good stuff’ the technology can deliver

• The UN’s AI Panel Sees Misalignment. We See Corporate (Mis)Behavior. (techpolicy.press)
• AI Bubble Teetering on the Brink as OpenAI Admits to Massive Financial Failure in Leaked Documents (futurism.com)
  

  For anybody who thought AI companies were about to unlock trillions of dollars in profits, OpenAI has bad news for you : it ain’t happening anytime soon.

• The Real Existential Risk Is AI CEOs Avoiding Oversight (democracynow.org)
• Female AI agents ‘paid’ less than males, study finds (the-independent.com)
  

  Gender pay gap extends to artificial intelligence agents as female bots paid 10 per cent less than male counterparts

• “Je serai le pire cauchemar de l’IA” : des chauffeurs Uber s’attaquent aux algorithmes (rts.ch)
  

  Partout en Europe, des chauffeurs Uber contestent non seulement leurs conditions de travail et leur bas salaire, mais également les algorithmes opaques qui déterminent leur rémunération et attribuent les courses. Leur combat pour la transparence trouve en partie ses racines à Genève, où se trouve l’association PersonalData.IO.

• People are asking ChatGPT to help them decide how to vote in the midterms (npr.org)
• Vous ne détestez pas assez les data centers (disjoncteur.info)
  

  Le boom de l’IA a fait exploser la demande de data centers dits “hyperscale”, c’est-à-dire d’immenses bâtiments capables de fournir des puissances de calcul colossales au prix d’une immense consommation de ressources.

• AI Versus Everything Else (paulkrugman.substack.com)
  

  The hyperscaler boom is crowding out other investment

• A Gaza, l’IA sert à tuer et ce n’est pas un roman (alternatives-economiques.fr)
  

  pendant qu’on dépense beaucoup de salive sur les chaînes de télévision et d’octets sur les réseaux sociaux pour déterminer ce qui relève ou non de la création humaine, si l’IA écrit toute seule, ou aide l’homme à écrire, l’IA tue toute seule ou aide à tuer, et pas qu’un peu.

  

Spécial Israël

• Israel demolishes properties of Palestinian who saved 30 Israelis on 7 October (middleeasteye.net)
  

  Yousef Zyadna was praised for rescuing Israelis during the 7 October attacks. Three years later, authorities have demolished properties belonging to him and his family

• Bardella, l’antisémitisme et Israël (politis.fr)
  

  En soutenant le président du RN, un ministre israélien nous dit surtout quelle est la nature idéologique du gouvernement Netanyahou. Israël met aujourd’hui en danger les juifs du monde entier. Raison de plus pour ne pas identifier l’antisionisme, critique de la politique coloniale d’Israël, à un antisémitisme, et ne pas sommer les juifs de France à prendre position, dans un sens ou dans l’autre, dans le conflit israélo-palestinien.

Spécial femmes dans le monde

• Japon : les soldats américains soumis à un couvre-feu à Okinawa après le meurtre d’une femme (rfi.fr)
  

  Le meurtre présumé samedi 3 octobre d’une habitante d’Okinawa par un Marine américain continue d’alimenter de vives tensions dans le sud du Japon. Malgré le couvre-feu d’un mois imposé par le commandement militaire américain aux troupes stationnées sur l’île, le gouverneur d’Okinawa a réaffirmé l’urgence d’alléger le fardeau que font peser ces bases sur l’archipel.

• « Une femme ne renonce jamais » : Narges Mohammadi pousse un énième cri de colère contre le régime des mollahs (lesnouvellesnews.fr)
  

  Depuis la prison d’Evin, Narges Mohammadi a écrit ses Mémoires. Dans Une femme ne renonce jamais, la militante rappelle que le mouvement Femme Vie Liberté continue de résister en Iran.

• L’hypothèse qu’il était acceptable de généraliser aux femmes les résultats d’études menées auprès d’hommes, a longtemps exclu les femmes des études sur la santé. (theconversation.com)
• Women suffer more pain than men across the whole body, major global study finds (theguardian.com)
• Pregnant women in ICE detention face laws and policies shaped by eugenics (prismreports.org)
• ‘Bully in every way’ : domestic abuse survivors say ex-partners behind far-right UK street patrols (theguardian.com)
  

  Seven women share their stories to make people aware of patterns of violence behind anti-immigration street patrol movement

• Viol collectif à l’université de Cornell : la gouverneure de New York veut faire évoluer la loi (lesnouvellesnews.fr)
  

  La réouverture de l’enquête du viol en réunion d’une étudiante à l’université de Cornell aux États-Unis, d’abord classée en 2024, provoque une vague d’indignation dans le pays. La gouverneure de l’État de New York souhaite revoir la loi pour améliorer la lutte contre les violences sexuelles.

• Violences sexuelles en Tunisie : Ce que révèle l’affaire Yakine (nawaat.org)
  

  Hospitalisée après un viol collectif à Mellassine, l’adolescente est déjà jugée sur les réseaux : son tatouage, ses cigarettes, ses vidéos. L’affaire Yakine révèle l’ampleur des violences sexuelles en Tunisie. En face, une loi avancée mais une société, puis une justice doutant toujours de la victime.

• G20 : beaucoup d’hommes, très peu d’avancées (lesnouvellesnews.fr)
  

  Sur la photo officielle des ministres du Commerce du G20 réunis à Milwaukee, une seule femme visible … et les résultats du sommet sont pour le moins modestes. La diplomatie économique piétine autant que l’égalité des sexes.

• Le prix Nobel de littérature est décerné à la poétesse canadienne Anne Carson (france24.com)
  

  Le prix ⁠Nobel de littérature a été attribué à la Canadienne Anne Carson, a annoncé, jeudi, l’Académie royale des sciences de Suède. Cette poétesse était citée parmi les candidates potentielles au prix Nobel depuis des années.

• “Si vous applaudissez plus fort, je partagerai peut-être avec Trump” : Navanethem Pillay se moque du président américain après avoir reçu le prix Nobel de la paix (rtl.fr)
  

  Dans la foulée, Israël a affirmé que la récompense remise à Navi Pillay légitimait “la haine et les préjugés anti-israéliens” et que l’ancien chef de la propagande nazie, Joseph Goebbels, devait “applaudir depuis l’enfer”.

  Voir aussi ‘Why Would You Need Courage to Speak the Truth ?’ : Navi Pillay, Who Led UN Report on Gaza Genocide, Wins Nobel Peace Prize (commondreams.org)

RIP

• Margaret Hamilton, computing pioneer who led software development for the Apollo program, dies at 90 (news.mit.edu) – voir aussi RIP Margaret Hamilton, whose code saved the Apollo 11 Moon landing (arstechnica.com) Hamilton also coined the term “software engineering” and founded two successful software companies.
• Sans elle, Neil Armstrong n’aurait peut-être jamais marché sur la Lune : qui était Margaret Hamilton, morte à 90 ans ? (humanite.fr)

Spécial France

• Le Conseil d’État ordonne au gouvernement d’interdire la publicité pour les énergies fossiles (reporterre.net)
  

  le gouvernement refusait jusqu’ici de publier le décret au motif que la loi serait trop mal écrite pour pouvoir être mise en œuvre et qu’elle risquerait de porter atteinte à la liberté d’expression et au droit de propriété. Ces arguments ont été balayés par les juges du Conseil d’État, qui ont donné raison à l’association Résistance à l’agression publicitaire (RAP), engagée depuis plusieurs années pour obtenir l’application effective de cette interdiction.

• Dix ans de la loi République numérique : le CNLL demande de passer de l’encouragement à la priorité pour le logiciel libre (cnll.fr)
  

  La raison principale tient aux habitudes. L’adage des directions informatiques, « personne n’a jamais été viré pour avoir choisi Microsoft », dit l’essentiel : choisir l’éditeur dominant ne fait courir aucun risque personnel à celui qui décide. S’y ajoute […] l’idée que tout ce qui vient des grands fournisseurs américains est forcément supérieur à ce qui est conçu en Europe […] Les licences groupées entretiennent ces habitudes. Un logiciel livré dans une licence groupée, comme la visioconférence dans une suite bureautique, n’a pas de prix propre : rien ne déclenche jamais sa comparaison avec une solution libre. L’encouragement vise ainsi une décision qui n’a pas lieu.

• Depuis le 1er octobre, les contrats de bail locatif, qu’il s’agisse de logements vides ou meublés, doivent contenir des nouvelles mentions. (humanite.fr)
• La ville de Paris met fin à la sous-traitance des travailleureuses du nettoyage (humanite.fr)
  

  Sur proposition du groupe communiste et citoyen au Conseil municipal, la ville de Paris a adopté mercredi 7 septembre une proposition pour mettre fin au recours à la sous-traitance pour le nettoyage de ses bâtiments. Le vote prévoit l’internalisation progressive des salariés du secteur, et à terme leur titularisation.

• Mobilisation de la jeunesse : la LDH et le SAF saisissent la justice pour défendre la liberté de se rassembler et de manifester (ldh-france.org)
  

  Dans le cadre des mobilisations de la jeunesse débutée fin septembre 2026 et face à la multiplication des arrêtés préfectoraux interdisant les rassemblements devant les établissements scolaires, la LDH (Ligue des droits de l’Homme/droits humains) et le Syndicat des avocats de France (SAF) se mobilisent.

  

• Blocage des lycées : le syndicat des avocats de France obtient l’annulation des arrêtés interdisant les manifestations (france3-regions.franceinfo.fr)
• Le Syndicat national des personnels de direction se dit “solidaire des revendications” du mouvement lycéen (franceinfo.fr)
• Appel à la grève le 5 novembre : l’intersyndicale enjambe la révolte lycéenne et la colère du 17 octobre (revolutionpermanente.fr)
  

  Alors que la révolte lycéenne bat son plein, l’intersyndicale renvoie la mobilisation au 5 novembre, en enjambant le 6 et le 17 octobre.

• Cours en distanciel : ni improvisation, ni passage en force ! (cgt.fercsup.net)
  

  Nous rappelons une chose essentielle : le passage des cours en distanciel ne peut pas relever d’une décision unilatérale, prise au gré des enseignant·es ou de l’administration, sans cadre ni concertation.

• 2 millions de personnes harcelées pour avoir refusé Linky (politis.fr)
• Le métro ou les arbres : à Paris, le prolongement de la ligne 1 sème la discorde (reporterre.net)
• “Plus de 15 heures de travail dans les champs, sans eau” : quatre agriculteurs jugés pour traite d’êtres humains dans le Gard (france3-regions.franceinfo.fr)
• « Vous n’avez qu’à le manger » : « Chonchon », le cochon d’une ferme pédagogique tué par un chasseur lors d’une battue (20minutes.fr)
  

  Un cochon domestique a été tué par un chasseur lors d’une battue organisée à proximité d’une ferme pédagogique en Isère, provoquant la colère et la tristesse de sa responsable, qui a déposé plainte

Le LOL de la semaine

• Le Slip Français piraté, les coordonnées personnelles de Sébastien Lecornu fuitent sur Internet (huffingtonpost.fr)
  

  La marque de sous-vêtements tricolore avait été victime d’un piratage en 2024. Parmi ses clients figurait Sébastien Lecornu, à l’époque ministre des Armées.

Spécial femmes en France

• Sophie Adenot, l’astronaute française de retour sur Terre (humanite.fr)
  

  Elle est sortie trois fois de l’ISS […] devenant l’Européenne qui a passé le plus de temps dans le vide spatial, 19 heures et 42 minutes […] Autre record : celui de la plus longue mission européenne dans l’espace, femmes et hommes confondus. En réalité, sa mission aura duré plus de trois ans, avec deux ans et dix mois de formation, préalable à son départ pour l’ISS. Un temps exceptionnellement court – en comparaison, Thomas Pesquet avait eu sept années de formation – qui témoigne de capacités d’apprentissage et d’adaptation hors du commun.

• L’emploi à domicile : quelle politique féministe ? (lesnouvellesnews.fr)
  

  Une étude du Syndicat des Particuliers Employeurs rappelle que l’emploi à domicile demeure un univers essentiellement féminin.

• À Solidarité Femmes Nantes, des salariées dénoncent un « management toxique » nuisible à leur santé et à l’écoute des victimes (basta.media)
• Le RN fait supprimer deux points majeurs de la « loi intégrale », colère des associations (huffingtonpost.fr)
  

  Le parti d’extrême droite a notamment fait rejeter la création d’un congé spécifique pour les salarié·es victimes de violences sexuelles. Les associations dénoncent plusieurs « reculs »

• Laurent Nunez s’oppose à la création des unités spécialisées dans les violences sexistes et sexuelles (projetarcadie.com)
• France : ouverture du procès à huis clos de Rohan Rane, masculiniste et prédateur sexuel en ligne de mineures (rfi.fr)
• La condamnation de Pierre Ménès pour agression sexuelle devient définitive après l’irrecevabilité de son appel (franceinfo.fr)

Spécial médias et pouvoir

• France Info « peine à entendre » les revendications des lycéen·nes, rendues inaudibles par les « violences » qui saturent l’antenne de France Info (acrimed.org)
• Médiatiser les représentants des lycéens : tendre le micro… et confisquer la parole (acrimed.org)
  

  Des plateaux télé aux studios de radio, du service public aux médias privés, les interviews de lycéens et de leurs porte-parole se succèdent (un peu) et se ressemblent (beaucoup). À l’instar de leurs soutiens, nombre d’entre eux ont dû affronter les injonctions et la morgue de l’éditocratie, dont la démarche se résume en une formule : interviewer pour mieux faire taire.

• « Une restitution pitoyable » : à France Télévisions, la colère de journalistes sur la couverture du mouvement lycéen (blast-info.fr)
  

  À chaque mouvement social, les mêmes problèmes semblent se répéter : un traitement de l’information décontextualisé, focalisé sur les violences, au point que les revendications politiques de fond sont passées sous silence. Dans son communiqué, la section CGT pointe particulièrement les JT nationaux de 13h et 20h.

  

• Mouvement lycéen : un complot de LFI, selon l’éditocratie (acrimed.org)
  

  À force de recouvrir les causes et les revendications de leurs commentaires sur les « violences » (jamais policières), les éditocrates se sont mis hors d’état de comprendre le mouvement lycéen. Jusqu’à l’envisager comme un grand complot de LFI et de ses « proxys d’ultra-gauche »

• Colère lycéenne : comment la presse indé internationale se saisit du sujet (portail.basta.media)