I get emails saying that I’ve got new user account requests and new versions of peertube, but when I try and reject a user, I get the warning “The registration email has not been verified. Email delivery has been disabled by default. “
I can’t find the option to enable it, any ideas?
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Hi, having a weird problem where I can’t find the transcoding tab, where the “enable studio” button used to be. I’ve looked through all the tabs over again. Is there some change in docker config I have to do? The config wizard doesn’t mention it at all.
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The digital health company said it learned of the breach on June 8 and the attackers demanded a ransom.
The post iRhythm Confirms Data Stolen in Hack appeared first on SecurityWeek.
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Ces histoire démontrent surtout que l’état n’a pas compris que le concept de souveraineté ne s’applique pas aux logiciels libres
L’Etat est toujours en train de chercher la « souveraineté » viv-à-vis des Américains.
Mais qu’un logiciel soit souverain supppose qu’il appartienne à quelqu’un, ce qui n’est pas le cas des logiciels libres. Et, avec un logiciel libre, un logiciel qu’on fait nous-même n’en est pas forcément plus bénéfique. On peut penser que, si on remplace un logiciel américain, c’est mieux de le faire par un français. Mais un logiciel libre français ne veut rien dire. De plus, personne ne se plaint des logiciels libres développés aux Etats-Unis. Par exemple, Ubuntu est développé par Oracle, une boite américaine. Personne ne dit que c’est un problème de souveraineté. Et pourtant, quand il s’agit de bureautique, il ne suffit pas de faire des dons à LibreOffice ou Framasoft, il faudrait faire Français. Ce qui ne veut rien dire. Mais comme ceux qui font les plans n’ont qu’une vague idée de ce qu’est le logiciel libre, personne n’a réfléchi.
From building LED bulbs to graduating college and buying a house with money earned from bug bounties.
The post Hacker Conversations: Isira Adithya, the Evolution of an Ethical Hacker appeared first on SecurityWeek.
The company is enhancing third-party risk management (TPRM) through autonomous AI agents.
The post Magnitude Emerges From Stealth Mode With $10 Million in Funding appeared first on SecurityWeek.
LaSuite.coop est une coopérative souhaitant outiller celles et ceux qui défendent des valeurs progressistes. 🌱
👥💬 À l'occasion de l'ouverture de leur sociétariat, nous avons interviewé l'équipe derrière ce projet fort enthousiasmant !
« LaSuite.coop : interview d'une coopérative qui veut (elle aussi !) dégoogliser internet », à découvrir sur le #Framablog : https://framablog.org/2026/06/16/la-suite-coop-interview-cooperative-qui-veut-degoogliser-internet/
Ce n’est pas tous les jours qu’on a de belles perspectives à partager. Alors ne boudons pas notre plaisir !
En mars dernier, nous vous partagions un (long) article sur La suite numérique de l’État, les critiques qui en étaient faites, et plus généralement la stratégie « Make or Buy » de l’État.
Nous évoquions alors une interview de l’équipe de LaSuite.coop, une coopérative dont l’objectif est de proposer des outils numériques libres et éthiques (en partie basés sur les outils de LaSuite de l’État).
Nous avons enfin trouvé le temps de les interroger sur leur projet, et ça tombe bien, puisqu’elles et ils ouvrent leur sociétariat à toute personne souhaitant participer à l’aventure.
Bonjour à toute la communauté Framasoft ! Ici LaSuite.coop, une coopérative née de la rencontre entre plusieurs structures qui avaient chacune la même conviction : les organisations qui défendent des valeurs progressistes méritent des outils numériques qui leur ressemblent.
Derrière le projet, on trouve cinq structures fondatrices : IndieHosters, coopérative qui héberge des services libres depuis plus de dix ans ; Open Source Politics, spécialiste des plateformes de démocratie participative pour les collectivités ; Yaal Coop, coopérative de développement logiciel ; Algoo, éditeur de Galaé, notre solution de messagerie email libre et Le Bureau.coop coopérative qui accompagne dans la gestion de noms de domaine.. Ensemble, nous avons constitué une SCIC, une Société Coopérative d’Intérêt Collectif, pour porter collectivement ce projet.
Ce qui nous rassemble, ce n’est pas simplement le logiciel libre. C’est l’idée que la manière dont on produit et gouverne les outils numériques a des conséquences politiques concrètes. On se doute que vous le savez déjà, mais utiliser Google Workspace ou Microsoft 365, ce n’est pas un choix neutre : c’est confier ses données, ses communications et son autonomie à des entreprises dont le modèle économique repose sur l’extraction et la centralisation. Nous pensons qu’il existe une autre voie, et nous essayons de la rendre accessible.
L’idée vient d’IndieHosters. Depuis 2015, Timothée, Pierre et leur collectif expérimentent des outils libres avec une conviction simple : il devrait être possible de s’émanciper des GAFAM sans sacrifier le confort ni la fiabilité. En 2020, pendant le confinement, ils lancent Liiibre, une suite collaborative complète, avec un modèle économique basé sur les communs, sans clients ni prestataires, mais avec des contributeurs et contributrices d’une ressource partagée. L’utopie concrète, comme ils disaient.
C’est à cette même période qu’IndieHosters et Open Source Politics commencent à travailler ensemble sur des projets de civic tech comme la mise en place d’outils de documentation pour Numérique En Commun(s) et la migration de la pétition du Sénat sur Decidim. En parallèle, IndieHosters est sollicité pour contribuer à l’infrastructure de La Suite numérique de l’État portée par la DINUM. Deux chemins qui s’alimentent mutuellement : d’un côté des expertises techniques qui se renforcent au contact de déploiements à grande échelle, de l’autre des relations de confiance qui se construisent avec des personnes d’horizons différents venant de l’État, de l’ESS et de la civic tech.
C’est là qu’IndieHosters propose à OSP de commercialiser Liiibre. IndieHosters (« IH ») avait les outils et l’infrastructure, Open Source Politics (« OSP ») avait les clients et les relations commerciales. Une complémentarité évidente. Et du côté d’OSP, le contexte accélère la décision : quand Musk rachète Twitter pour en faire une machine à désinformation, quand Trump récompense les Big Tech qui l’ont soutenu, quand Meta supprime ses équipes de fact-checking, on réalise que proposer seulement des outils de participation citoyenne à nos clients n’est plus suffisant. La souveraineté numérique ne peut pas s’arrêter à la plateforme de consultation. On embrasse donc la vision d’IndieHosters.
C’est de là que naît l’idée de LaSuite.coop. Ensemble, on a regardé de près les outils de La Suite numérique de l’État et ils nous ont grandement séduit. Comme ils étaient réservés aux agents publics nous y avons vu une opportunité d’en faire profiter le plus grand nombre. Mais pour aller plus loin, il fallait s’entourer.
Pour le développement IndieHosters a pensé à Yaal Coop qu’ils connaissent via le réseau Libre Entreprise, un réseau d’entreprise du numérique libre qui applique les valeurs du libre à sa gouvernance (horizontalité, transparence, égalité salariale, …), ainsi que par le collectif CHATONS.
Et suite au rachat de Gandi on a vu émerger deux initiatives qui nous on plu, Galae un service email professionnel commercialisé par Algoo et LeBureau.coop pour les noms de domaines. On leur a alors présenté notre projet et proposé de nous rejoindre.
À qui s’adresse-t-on ? À toute organisation qui cherche une alternative crédible aux suites de Google ou Microsoft : associations, syndicats, coopératives, mutuelles, structures de l’ESS, collectivités, communes de plus de 1 500 habitants, établissements d’enseignement supérieur, médias indépendants, partis politiques… Si vous partagez nos valeurs et avez besoin d’outils fiables sans sacrifier votre indépendance numérique, LaSuite.coop s’adresse à vous.
Un mot sur notre modèle : on parle de cotisation, pas d’abonnement, et ce n’est pas qu’une question de sémantique. En cotisant, une organisation ne paie pas simplement un prestataire pour un service, elle contribue à un commun, elle participe à le faire vivre et à le développer. C’est une relation fondamentalement différente de celle qu’on entretient avec un éditeur SaaS classique. Le montant est calculé en fonction de la taille de l’organisation et des outils déployés il nous paraît logique de ne pas faire payer une petite asso au même tarif qu’une fédération nationale.
Concrètement, on propose aujourd’hui une suite complète accessible via un portail de connexion unique : visio, chat, mail, agenda, prise de notes collaborative, stockage et partage de fichiers (avec la suite Collabora intégrée pour créer vos documents textes, tableurs et présentations), un gestionnaire de mots de passe et Grist, un outil no-code super puissant pour gérer vos données. Notre offre actuelle s’adresse aux organisations d’au moins dix personnes, mais on travaille à ouvrir le service aux particuliers et aux petits collectifs d’ici la fin de l’année. La souveraineté numérique ne devrait pas être réservée aux structures déjà bien installées.
Capture du site LaSuite.coop
Notre offre comporte en partie des logiciels portés par la DINUM parce que ce sont de très bons outils, tout simplement. Docs, Fichiers, Grist, Visio, ces logiciels ont été développés (ou amélioré pour le cas de Grist) pour répondre aux exigences d’une administration qui gère des données sensibles et des millions d’utilisatrices et d’utilisateurs. Ils sont robustes, open source, maintenus par des communautés actives. Quand on a regardé ce qui existait pour construire LaSuite.coop, la réponse s’est imposée assez naturellement.
D’autant plus que les membres d’IndieHosters ont contribué en partie à l’infrastructure de La Suite numérique de l’État. Cette relation de travail a créé une vraie proximité. Aujourd’hui on remonte des bugs, on participe aux discussions sur la feuille de route, et on s’implique dans les réflexions pour pérenniser le code de ces outils dans la durée. Il n’y a pas de contrat qui nous lie, juste une communauté qui s’articule dans le même sens. On avance ensemble, chacun de son côté, vers le même horizon.
C’est d’ailleurs ce que Timothée est allé défendre plus tôt cette année au FOSDEM : un modèle public-coopératif pour les communs numériques. L’idée est simple et puissante, la DINUM crée et garantit les communs, LaSuite.coop les maintient, les déploie et les rend accessibles au-delà de l’administration, et la communauté en oriente l’évolution. Chacun son rôle, dans le même sens. Un modèle qui n’a pas besoin de capital-risque ni de logique extractive pour tenir, juste des acteurs alignés sur l’intérêt général.
Oui en effet ! D’abord ouvrir le service aux structures de moins de dix personnes et aux particuliers, ensuite, développer un outil de migration pour faciliter la transition vers LaSuite.coop pour le plus grand nombre. Parce qu’on sait que le frein principal ce n’est pas la volonté, c’est la complexité perçue du passage d’un outil à un autre. Un bon outil de migration, c’est ce qui transforme une bonne intention en vrai changement.
Nous avons également des liens étroits avec d’autres éditeurs d’applications qu’on prévoit de faire rentrer dans la gouvernance et dans l’offre prochainement : Biru (avec l’app Tenzu), tiBillet, kaihuri (pour Mobilizon) et peut être vous Framasoft (pour PeerTube).
Devenir sociétaire de LaSuite.coop, c’est acquérir au moins une part sociale à 100 euros et avec elle, une voix dans la coopérative. Droit de vote, accès aux assemblées générales, possibilité de peser sur les futurs développements des outils. On ne devient pas client, on devient copropriétaire d’une infrastructure numérique souveraine.
C’est rare, et c’est ce qui nous tient à cœur, que les personnes qui utilisent ces outils puissent aussi décider de leur direction. Une coopérative sans sociétaires, c’est une coquille vide. Avec eux, c’est un projet qui s’ancre dans le temps.
Pour l’instant, vous pouvez manifester votre intérêt sur notre site, la campagne ouvrira très prochainement. Ces pré-inscriptions comptent beaucoup pour nous car c’est une façon concrète de mesurer l’intérêt pour le projet et de nous donner la confiance nécessaire pour avancer sereinement vers nos objectifs. Inscrivez-vous dès maintenant sur https://societariat.lasuite.coop/ pour être averti·e en avant-première.
Capture écran site LaSuite.coop
Nous nous sommes fixé un objectif minimum de 200 000 € pour avoir les reins solides et franchir un premier cap : augmenter significativement le nombre d’organisations auxquelles nous proposons nos services, en commençant par les coopératives.
Au-delà, nous espérons rencontrer un écho le plus large possible, pour avoir les moyens d’outiller rapidement les petites entreprises et le grand public.
Enfin, à partir d’un seuil de quelques millions d’euros, nous considérons qu’il sera préférable de créer un fonds de dotation pour accompagner l’essaimage de structures comme la nôtre sur le territoire, plutôt que de devenir une méga-structure. Nous avons à cœur de privilégier la mise en réseau de structures à taille humaine comme le font des coopératives telles que Biocoop ou Enercoop, plutôt que de former un monolithe. Sur ce point aussi, on pense différemment des GAFAM !
Les tarifs de LaSuite.coop (au 11/06/2026)
Dans cinq ans, on aimerait avoir prouvé qu’un modèle coopératif peut tenir face aux géants, pas en les imitant, mais en faisant mieux sur ce qui compte vraiment. Des outils aussi fluides que Google Workspace, avec un contact humain en plus et des données qui restent les vôtres.
Concrètement, on veut avoir ouvert le service au grand public, développé un outil de migration en un clic depuis Microsoft et Google et commencé à reverser une part de notre chiffre d’affaires aux communs numériques que nous faisons vivre.
On veut aussi avoir les moyens de financer deux postes qui nous tiennent particulièrement à cœur. Le premier : une personne dédiée à la qualité du code que l’on repartage à la communauté open source avec documentation rigoureuse, code lisible, pour que n’importe qui puisse venir étudier ce qu’on fait et s’en emparer. Le deuxième, une personne à temps complet sur l’animation de l’écosystème des communs numériques, en interne ou via une structure partenaire. Parce qu’un commun sans communauté active, ça ne dure pas.
Il y a aussi l’ambition plus large de contribuer à faire migrer une partie significative de la population française vers des outils libres (on a le droit de rêver) et de porter un plaidoyer au niveau européen pour que ce modèle public-coopératif essaime au-delà de nos frontières. Nous sommes convaincus que la souveraineté numérique ne se construira pas pays par pays, chacun dans son coin. En cinq ans, on veut avoir démontré que l’utopie concrète, ça fonctionne.
On espère aussi que dans 5 ans (et même bien avant) on fasse parti des membres bien identifiés des Licoornes et qu’on participe avec eux à promouvoir le modèle coopératif, comme ils le font avec leur campagne ALT au capitalisme en cours.
La question qu’on redoute un peu mais qu’il faut poser : « Qu’est-ce qui pourrait faire échouer LaSuite.coop ? »
L’indifférence. Pas l’hostilité, ça, ça mobilise, mais l’indifférence… Le sentiment que le problème n’est pas si urgent, qu’on verra ça plus tard. On peut construire les meilleurs outils du monde, porter le modèle le plus juste qui soit, si personne ne se sent concerné, ça ne suffit pas. C’est pour ça que le sociétariat compte autant pour nous. Chaque personne qui rejoint la coopérative, c’est une personne de plus qui a décidé que plus tard c’est maintenant.
From defending networks to enabling attacks, artificial intelligence is changing every aspect of cybersecurity. Here's what dozens of experts say security leaders need to understand now.
The post AI and Cybersecurity – Everything You Wanted to Know, But Were Afraid to Ask appeared first on SecurityWeek.
Ent has developed an intent-aware platform designed to interpret user and agent behavior before risky actions are carried out.
The post Endpoint Security Startup Ent Emerges From Stealth With $100 Million Seed Round appeared first on SecurityWeek.
The hack-and-leak group FulcrumSec claims to have stolen 1.3TB of data from the pharmaceutical giant.
The post Cybercrime Group Claims Novo Nordisk Hack appeared first on SecurityWeek.
By continuously analyzing security, infrastructure, and governance data, TrustCloud aims to give CISOs a real-time view of application risk and board-ready assurance.
The post Can CISOs Trust Their Applications? TrustCloud Wants to Replace the Questionnaire appeared first on SecurityWeek.
California Water Service says there is no indication of operational disruptions to its water and wastewater systems.
The post Cal Water Investigating Iranian Hackers’ Claims appeared first on SecurityWeek.
NSPM-12 establishes a clear structure for NSS cybersecurity governance and accountability and reestablishes CNSS.
The post White House Issues Memo to Bolster NSS Cybersecurity appeared first on SecurityWeek.
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Arch Linux suspended account registrations in response to the wave of malicious packages being uploaded to AUR.
The post Atomic Arch Supply Chain Attack Hits 1,500 AUR Packages appeared first on SecurityWeek.
J’essaie de me connecter à Framagenda pour créer un compte pour notre association, mais quand je donne mon adresse mail et que je clique sur demander un lien de vérification, je reçoit un message de refus… ”Accès non autorisé CSRF check failed”
Je suis sur Macosx, j’utilisae firefox et j’ai installé Avast comme outil de sécurité dont j’utilise e VPN, quelqu’un peut-il me dire comment me sortir de cet embarras.
Si ces difficultés arrivent à d’autres membres de l’association, j’ai peur que ce soit difficile d’envisager l’utilisation de frlagenda, et c’est bien dommage.
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It was before dawn on a Friday in January when a Gulfstream G600 with the burnt-orange Texas Longhorns logo on its tail landed at Dulles airport outside Washington, D.C. Its owner, a little-known oil billionaire named Jeffery Hildebrand, had been summoned to the White House.
By mid-afternoon he was in the East Room, just three seats from President Donald Trump, who had recently ordered the military raid that captured Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro. Now Trump wanted Hildebrand and two dozen other energy executives to commit to investing $100 billion in Venezuela’s decrepit oil industry.
Many couched their enthusiasm with caveats. ExxonMobil’s CEO called Venezuela “uninvestable” without changes to its legal system. The head of ConocoPhillips wanted U.S. government financing.
But Hildebrand, a major Trump donor whose wife had been named ambassador to Costa Rica, had already seen how loyalty could be rewarded. Even though he had no notable operations outside the U.S., he hunched toward a microphone and said in a halting voice, “Hilcorp is fully committed and ready to go to rebuilding the infrastructure in Venezuela.”
“That’s good,” Trump said. “You’ll be very happy.”
As the founder and owner of Hilcorp, a privately held company known for buying up old, low-producing “stripper wells,” Hildebrand needs Trump’s favor. Long one of the oil industry’s top polluters, Hilcorp releases unusually large quantities of methane, a greenhouse gas that can trap 80 times more heat than carbon dioxide.
Hildebrand had never been a leading political contributor. But in 2024, the Biden administration issued aggressive restrictions on methane pollution — rules that would impose steep costs on Hilcorp — and the once-obscure tycoon became one of Trump’s biggest oil industry supporters, giving millions to his campaign.
Trump has since named a former Hilcorp lobbyist to a top post at the Environmental Protection Agency, putting him in charge of an effort to unravel the methane rules with help from trade groups backed by Hildebrand, a ProPublica investigation has found. That will bring a sweeping reprieve for the nation’s 700,000 stripper wells, boosting Hildebrand’s profits while saddling society as a whole with the climate fallout.
We’re still reporting. If you know more about the Trump administration’s climate policies, please contact our reporting team.
Alex Cuadros
I welcome tips or documents about Trump administration climate policy or actions by private companies or institutions that may impact the climate.
Stripper wells collectively contribute just 6% of the nation’s oil and natural gas. But in recent studies, scientists have identified them as the source of roughly half the sector’s methane emissions — in part because they tend to be thinly monitored, run-down and thus prone to leaking. As a result, these barely productive wells play an outsize role in climate change, disproportionately amplifying heat waves, droughts and wildfires.
In a world where global warming fixes can seem impossibly daunting, stripper wells are the rare low-hanging fruit, said Andrew Logan of Ceres, a climate advocacy group.
“If you could lose 6% of production and cut emissions in half, who wouldn’t make that trade?” Logan said. “It’s a question of who benefits and who doesn’t, and who has the power.”
Kendra Pinto and Josh Eisenfeld drove a rented Dodge Ram to the site of a Hilcorp well in San Juan County, New Mexico, last August. As infrared camera operators with the nonprofit Earthworks, they were used to roaming through remote areas to investigate leaks at oil and gas wells. But the San Juan is especially lonely terrain, with bumpy dirt roads snaking between scattered scrub and rusting pump jacks, the nodding apparatuses that lift oil and gas from thousands of feet underground.
A sign marked the site as Hilcorp’s Huerfano Unit 119 well, one of the company’s 11,000 in the region. It was little more than a patch of gravel hosting two unmarked storage tanks and what oil workers call a Christmas tree: the cluster of valves that caps the well itself. Drilled in 1969, the well now produces a small but steady trickle of natural gas, enough to generate around $50 of revenue per day.
On paper, it runs remarkably cleanly. According to New Mexico’s oil regulator, Hilcorp has not reported any “venting” — releasing gas — from the well since May 2024. At the site itself, however, a wire fence surrounded some of the equipment, bearing a yellow caution sign that read, “Well vents randomly.”
Methane is invisible to the human eye. But on June 29 last year, a satellite detected a massive methane plume erupting from this very location. According to the nonprofit Carbon Mapper, a NASA partner that one oil executive defined as a “platform to disseminate the sins of our industry,” the methane was being discharged at a rate of 199 kilograms an hour. That’s equivalent to about 12 times the volume of natural gas the well typically produces over that time. The cause was unknown, but according to scientists who have studied the issue, such “super-emitter” events typically stem from some kind of neglect or malfunction — if not from an intentional release. Most last a couple of hours, but some can go on for weeks. Super-emitter plumes have also been identified at other Hilcorp wells.
Pinto and Eisenfeld observed smaller, more persistent leaks as well. When they trained their infrared camera on one of the storage tanks, wispy clouds of pollution could be seen streaming from a pressure-release valve.
“That shouldn’t just be constantly …” Eisenfeld said, trailing off. The finding was far from abnormal, though. Of the eight Hilcorp wells he and Pinto visited that day, seven were seen to be leaking.
In response to a detailed list of questions from ProPublica, Hilcorp spokesperson Nick Piatek said in an email that the Huerfano Unit 119 well “is fully compliant with state and federal regulations” and that the company inspects the site monthly. He also suggested that the company’s approach caused less environmental harm than drilling new wells: “By extending and optimizing the life of existing assets with pre-built infrastructure, our model limits the need for new development elsewhere.” The company is “proud,” he added, of recent efforts to reduce its emissions.
Hilcorp is hardly an outlier in its approach to methane releases. America’s oil and gas system is vast, aging, and in many places largely left to police itself. Of the country’s roughly 1 million active wells, more than two-thirds are stripper wells, each producing the equivalent of up to 15 barrels a day. Many produce less than a single barrel a day. (Newer wells, by contrast, can pump 1,000 a day or more.) Each well site, in turn, is equipped with numerous valves, flanges and other fittings that can leak unless inspected regularly. Some components were explicitly designed to vent small amounts of gas — a legacy of an era when methane’s role in global warming wasn’t widely understood.
Methane, the main component of natural gas, turns into carbon dioxide when burned to heat a home or generate electricity. But when the gas enters the atmosphere directly, it becomes a much more powerful climate pollutant — one that is responsible for one-third of the rise in global temperatures since the Industrial Revolution.
Methane exists underground alongside other fossil fuels and is brought to the surface whether oil or natural gas is being pumped. While it’s a valuable product in itself, capturing it is not always cost-effective. So companies often burn it off, or just vent it, sending it straight into the atmosphere. Apart from the climate impact, this is all sheer waste, as none of the methane’s energy is being harnessed for a human need. Yet with few exceptions, federal rules have allowed these practices at wells drilled before 2012 — which include the overwhelming majority of stripper wells.
Methane leakage is such a routine part of oil and gas production that the EPA often assumes it is happening when asking the industry to calculate its emissions. Even so, those numbers drastically understate the actual emissions observed by plane and satellite. A study led by Evan Sherwin of Stanford, published in the journal Nature in 2024, took close to a million measurements to find that the true figures were, on average, nearly three times higher. Partly that is because companies have never had to report super-emitter events to the EPA. In one region, nearly 10% of all the natural gas produced was being lost to the atmosphere, the study found.
But limiting methane pollution presents a rare opportunity. While carbon dioxide can persist in the atmosphere for centuries, methane breaks down relatively fast, in about a dozen years. Halting these releases, then, would bring a swift payoff.
“Methane is the best lever we have to slow the march of climate change in our lifetime,” said Stanford researcher Rob Jackson. That is especially important, he added, as the planet approaches tipping points — temperature thresholds beyond which forests, coral reefs and ice sheets start to collapse irreversibly.
Unlike with other major methane sources, such as belching cattle or melting permafrost, the technology to curb emissions from oil and gas operations is already viable, and fairly cheap. In the fight against global warming, Jackson said, “It’s the best bang for our buck.”
To build a fortune on the discarded scraps of the oil and gas industry takes a rare instinct for hidden value, an appetite for risk and an obsession with keeping costs down.
Among the nation’s stripper well owners, Hildebrand has done it best, amassing a fortune estimated by Bloomberg at $15 billion. Yet at a time when many billionaires are embracing celebrity, he has maintained an unusually low profile. At 67, he’s almost completely avoided speaking to reporters, and he didn’t respond to multiple interview requests from ProPublica. Even Trump, despite having invited him to the White House, seemed hazy on Hildebrand’s role in the oil industry. “I hear he does a good job,” the president said when reached by ProPublica on his cellphone.
While he avoids the public eye, Hildebrand circulates openly in the overlapping worlds of wealthy businesspeople, private clubs and Republican power brokers. He has been known to hold exclusive parties at his 1,200-acre ranch in Aspen, Colorado — which used to belong, in part, to the musician (and environmentalist) John Denver. He also owns a polo team called Tonkawa, a fixture of the winter season in the sport’s unofficial capital of Wellington, Florida, a short drive from Mar-a-Lago. A video of a 2021 match shows him in a white helmet and forest-green jersey, riding a bay pony as he swings his mallet, trying and failing to keep the ball from the opposing side’s patron, a Russian banker named Andrey Borodin.
There’s a striking tension between Hildebrand’s status as one of the country’s most prolific polluters and his otherwise conventional life as a God-fearing, upstanding Texas businessman. He is less a rogue actor than the product of a deeply American system that rewards production at all costs.
A devout Catholic and philanthropist, he is especially passionate about wildlife conservation, according to Stuart Stedman and Karen Starr Hunke, fellow board members at Texas A&M’s Caesar Kleberg Wildlife Research Institute. Yet they and others who know him through the institute said they’d never once heard him mention climate change — an omission that points to a far narrower view of environmental stewardship.
The closest Hildebrand has come to addressing the issue publicly is in a rare speech he gave in 2022, accepting an award as a distinguished alumnus at UT Austin. A husky, square-jawed man, he wore a burnt-orange suit jacket and a burnt-orange tie. He cited an old quote he interpreted as a celebration of the oil industry: “Smite the rocks with the rod of knowledge, and fountains of unstinted wealth will gush forth.” Then he quipped that “in this Green New Deal era we live in” — a reference to the Democrats’ climate agenda — such sentiments might no longer be welcome.
Born in 1959 in Houston, America’s energy capital, Hildebrand graduated from high school at a time when oil prices were soaring. Determined to start his own oil business, he studied geology and petroleum engineering at UT Austin, where he was in the Kappa Alpha fraternity. He worked briefly for Exxon and a few other companies, including that of a prominent Houston investor named Jack Trotter, before starting Hilcorp in ’89 with Trotter’s backing.
The oil business is filled with stories of crazy risks, near-bankruptcies and improbable rebounds. Hildebrand likes to recount that he used his wife’s car as collateral for a loan to drill some early wells. In a speech for his induction into the Texas Business Hall of Fame, he said they turned out to be “dry holes” — failures — but the return on Melinda’s investment would prove “infinite” (only a slight exaggeration).
He started buying stripper wells from larger companies, a niche that is relatively cheap to break into. As a well ages and the underlying reservoir is depleted, pressure in the well drops, and production along with it. The price for a package of these wells tends to be low — one friend recalled “when a big deal for Jeff was $5 million” — but to turn a profit, the new owners have to cut costs. Typically they do this by playing fast and loose with environmental rules, according to Clark Williams-Derry of the nonprofit Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, who calls this the “dung beetle model.”
As Hildebrand expanded into other states, loading up on debt to make ever larger acquisitions, there’s evidence he followed this model. According to records obtained by ProPublica from state and federal environmental regulators, his company has racked up dozens of violations over the past decade. To cite one notable example, after a Hilcorp natural gas pipeline ruptured in Alaska’s Cook Inlet in December 2016, it spewed methane for nearly four months until it was finally repaired. Activists across the country call the company “Spillcorp.”
The penalties, though, have largely amounted to a slap on the wrist, rarely exceeding $500,000 — and often coming in far lower. “I would frankly put that in the category of just operating costs,” said Matt Bernstein, an analyst at the research firm Rystad Energy.
What set Hildebrand apart from other “dung beetles” was that he also found ways to squeeze out more oil and gas from aging wells, not only cutting costs but increasing revenue. His secret was what he has called a “pretty simple” formula: attract top geologists and engineers by offering Wall Street-style incentives, allowing them to effectively take partnership stakes in projects. According to a person involved in an early deal, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, Hildebrand would offer 1.1 times what Hilcorp’s own analysis said an acquisition was worth, betting on the “magic” of his team.
The 2010s saw the landmark Paris Agreement on global warming, the rise of teen activist Greta Thunberg and the first pledge by a major oil company to effectively zero its emissions. None of that dissuaded Hildebrand from doubling down on aging wells. In 2017, he spent $3 billion to mount his largest acquisition yet: ConocoPhillips’ operation in the San Juan Basin, where Pinto and Eisenfeld would later identify so many leaks. Once among the country’s top sources of natural gas, the region had since fallen into decline — and it was already notorious for its methane pollution.
Soon after, according to a Clean Air Task Force analysis of data companies report to the EPA, Hilcorp became the No. 1 emitter of methane in the entire U.S. oil and gas industry.
President Joe Biden presented the first serious threat to Hildebrand’s business. As part of his ambitious climate agenda, the EPA issued rules aimed at cutting methane pollution from oil and gas operations by a whopping 80% — and they took direct aim at stripper wells.
For the first time, outside a patchwork of state rules, older wells would face requirements for regular leak inspections and limits on venting and flaring. Companies would be forced to respond to satellite reports of super-emitters, making repairs if necessary. A fee would also be imposed on excess methane emissions, costing the oil and gas industry an estimated $500 million a year.
Even the Department of Justice got involved, filing suits to crack down on improper methane releases. One found that Hilcorp had failed to capture the emissions when it redrilled 145 wells in the San Juan — discharges large enough that Don Schreiber, a rancher who documented some of the events, described hearing a “jet engine” sound as the gas rushed into the air. This time, the penalties were more than a slap on the wrist; although Hilcorp did not admit to wrongdoing, it settled the allegations for $9.4 million.
With the new rules gradually being phased in, Hildebrand effectively made parallel bets. Getting a jump on compliance, Hilcorp started upgrading much of its aging equipment — and its methane numbers declined.
“That’s a win,” said Lesley Feldman of the Clean Air Task Force, a nonprofit that advocates for cutting emissions. “That means the policy is working. And we’ve seen evidence of other companies doing this too.”
Yet while Feldman celebrated the reductions, she did question their magnitude. Hilcorp spokesperson Piatek said the company’s methane numbers had fallen by “nearly 80% in recent years.” But, Feldman said after examining Hilcorp’s most recent data, that decline is artificially inflated by recent changes to the reporting rules, which make comparisons to previous years misleading. The data itself may be suspect, she added, because the EPA has yet to publicly verify it — and Hilcorp has previously made huge upward revisions to its reported emissions. (Piatek didn’t respond when ProPublica pointed out the artificially inflated reduction.)
Even taking the numbers at face value, Hilcorp remains one of the oil industry’s top methane emitters, according to a ProPublica analysis of EPA data.
Since he was still looking at substantial compliance costs, Hildebrand’s other bet was to step up his political contributions. Since 2020, he and his wife have given more than $15 million to Trump and other Republicans in federal races, placing them among the top donors in an industry that overwhelmingly supports the president and his party. (That compares to just over $3 million in the entire two decades prior.) The recipients have included Sen. Ted Cruz and Rep. August Pfluger, both of Texas — two of the most vocal opponents to the methane fee, which they call the “natural gas tax.”
During the 2024 campaign, Hildebrand also co-hosted at least three high-dollar fundraisers for Trump, who promised to “unleash American energy” by dismantling climate regulations. One was a lavish dinner held a short drive from Hildebrand’s Aspen ranch, at a home sprinkled with art by Andy Warhol (a tiny self-portrait), Damien Hirst (a mirrored pill cabinet) and Jack Pierson (mismatched lettering that spelled out the word “badass”). The home belonged to another donor later graced with an appointment: the investor John Phelan, who would briefly serve as Trump’s Navy secretary.
Hildebrand co-hosted two of the fundraisers in Houston. One was reportedly scheduled to take place at his own home, but, due to security concerns, it was moved to a hotel owned by the sports and entertainment magnate Tilman Fertitta, who would be named ambassador to Italy. The other was followed by a private roundtable where, according to Teofilo Lingi, an investor who was present, oil executives discussed the methane rules with Trump himself.
At a previous event with Trump, Hildebrand said, “I’m really here today to represent the independent energy companies, the family-owned businesses that are in this industry.”
This mom-and-pop image clashes with the reality that the independents, as they are known, are highly organized into an alphabet soup of newly influential lobbying groups — with Hildebrand a member of several. Hilcorp CEO Greg Lalicker sits on the board of the American Exploration and Production Council (AXPC), which also represents Diversified, the country’s single largest owner of stripper wells. At least until recently, another Hilcorp executive was a director at the Independent Petroleum Association of America (IPAA), which represents smaller producers, including many stripper well owners.
In an industry long hostile to regulation, the independents have often displayed a more open contempt toward climate policy than the global oil giants. And they have historically had little say in emissions rules. “They didn’t want to be regulated, but they kind of knew that was a losing argument,” said Joseph Goffman, who held top EPA roles under both President Barack Obama and Biden.
Hildebrand received an early sign that was going to change when, less than three weeks after the 2025 inauguration, Trump tapped his wife to be ambassador to Costa Rica — even though she was primarily known for charity work and for opening a doughnut shop in their wealthy Houston neighborhood of River Oaks. Melinda Hildebrand didn’t respond to requests for comment, but when ProPublica asked Trump why he appointed her, he said, “I don’t know, because you know, I get recommendations. … I see the list of people, but we only name good people, and I’m sure she’s very good.”
Later that month, the Republican-controlled Congress effectively killed the methane fee, and Trump nominated a former Hilcorp lobbyist named Aaron Szabo to oversee the EPA’s climate regulations.
Szabo, an otherwise inconspicuous former bureaucrat, helped to unite two distinct networks with overlapping ambitions. As a lobbyist for Hilcorp and other oil and gas companies, he had already helped to draft a letter from the AXPC opposing the new methane rules. He then became a fellow at the Trump-aligned America First Policy Institute and gave advice on climate regulations for the EPA chapter of the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025, the deregulatory blueprint for the second Trump administration. The chapter specifically recommended dismantling the program to address super-emitters.
Now tasked with rewriting the methane rules, Szabo has been seeking input from oil industry groups including the AXPC, the IPAA and the National Stripper Well Association (NSWA), according to interviews with industry representatives and current and former EPA officials, records of closed-door conversations, and agency emails and calendar entries obtained through public records requests by the watchdog group Fieldnotes and shared with ProPublica.
“It’s the first time in 20 years of my business that they’ll even answer the phone,” NSWA Chair Patrick Montalban told ProPublica, referring to top regulators. He described an informal atmosphere where independent oil executives called on old personal connections to open the doors. He himself had met not just with Szabo but with EPA chief Lee Zeldin, Interior Secretary Doug Burgum and Energy Secretary Chris Wright. He and Wright, he noted, have both served on the board of yet another oil industry group. (Press offices for the departments of Interior and Energy didn’t respond to emails seeking comment.)
The IPAA’s Lee Fuller, on a private conference call with industry representatives, also spoke glowingly about a meeting with Szabo’s office last year. Previously, he said, the EPA had never even considered the group’s requests to create separate methane rules for stripper wells. This time, though, agency staff brought it up unprompted — which suggests that it was already on Szabo’s agenda. Presented with this opening, the IPAA later asked for stripper wells to be exempted from the methane rules entirely.
Hilcorp spokesperson Piatek declined to answer questions from ProPublica about the influence campaign. The IPAA also declined to comment but sent an email linking to a recent statement of support for deregulating stripper wells that nonetheless nodded toward “our shared environmental goals.”
The heart of the stripper-well owners’ argument is that they simply cannot afford to be regulated. “Venting and flaring are essential for the survivability of low production wells,” an IPAA lawyer named James D. Elliott wrote in an email to EPA officials last year. He cited estimates that the methane rules would force 300,000 of the lowest-producing wells to shut down. Framing this as a blow to small-business owners, he didn’t acknowledge that it would have almost no impact on the U.S. energy supply.
The AXPC declined to answer ProPublica’s questions about the group’s interactions with Szabo’s staff but sent a statement from CEO Anne Bradbury saying its members were “committed to building on a legacy of world-leading methane emission reductions.” In a “policy roadmap” published on its website in March, however, it asked the EPA to “incorporate greater flexibility for low-producing and mature assets.”
Some members of the coalition have argued, inaccurately, that stripper wells are not significant sources of methane pollution. In a Zoom interview with ProPublica, NSWA board member Sam Bradley played a slideshow that he said he’d shared with Szabo’s staff. One slide purported to show the emissions from various sources. Stripper wells ranked lower than both the collective exhalations of the U.S. populace and what Bradley called “smoke and brisket” — barbecues. (In reality, these are negligible sources of emissions.)
Hildebrand and his fellow stripper-well owners appear likely to win exemptions. Speaking with industry representatives last month, the AXPC’s Wendy Kirchoff shared early details of Szabo’s plan to weaken the methane rules, confirming it will cover stripper wells, according to a recording reviewed by ProPublica.
Szabo himself didn’t respond to questions sent by ProPublica, and the EPA’s press office declined to comment on the details. But the agency confirmed it is working on a proposal to “provide relief” to the oil industry, saying in a statement, “We heard consistently from American oil and natural gas producers (shocker that we meet with stakeholders) that the Biden-Harris Administration’s oil and gas methane regulations were unworkable and unnecessarily restricted American energy dominance.”
To protect carve-outs from rollback by a future Democratic administration, Pfluger, the representative from Texas, and Sen. Cynthia Lummis, R-Wyo., have proposed a bill to simply exempt stripper wells from EPA emissions rules — allowing them to pollute the atmosphere at will, with scant economic benefit. The NSWA and the IPAA both helped to craft the legislation, according to an internal newsletter from a state trade group that represents many stripper-well owners.
In effect, the Trump administration and its allies in Congress are weighing whether to preserve the business model that made Hildebrand rich, no matter the cost to the global climate. As energy assets, his wells may be marginal. But as political currency, they have become more valuable than ever before.
The post Trump Plans to Protect Methane-Leaking Stripper Wells. This Billionaire Donor Will Benefit. appeared first on ProPublica.
Le novità sulla fotocamera di iPhone 18 Pro che circolano online promettono di essere tra le più significative degli ultimi anni. Secondo fonti autorevoli, come Mark Gurman di Bloomberg, potremmo assistere al "più grande salto nell'hardware fotografico" mai visto su un iPhone. Ma cosa significa questo per gli utenti? Analizziamo punto per punto i rumor più concreti.
La novità più attesa, e forse la più rivoluzionaria, è l'introduzione dell'apertura variabile sulla fotocamera principale. Se ne parla da anni, ma sembra che questa sia la volta buona. Immagina di poter controllare la quantità di luce che entra nel sensore, proprio come faresti con una fotocamera professionale. Nella pratica, le possibilità sono enormi.
Si potrebbe avere un controllo manuale senza precedenti sulla profondità di campo, per ottenere un effetto bokeh ancora più naturale e preciso. Di conseguenza, anche la modalità Ritratto diventerebbe incredibilmente più realistica. Inoltre, il sistema potrebbe ottimizzare in automatico ogni scatto, garantendo risultati eccellenti in qualsiasi condizione di luce, dal pieno sole al crepuscolo. Se implementata bene, questa funzione da sola potrebbe cambiare il modo in cui scattiamo foto ogni giorno.
Un altro punto debole storico della fotocamera di iPhone, il teleobiettivo in condizioni di scarsa illuminazione, sembra essere al centro delle attenzioni di Apple. I rumor parlano di un teleobiettivo con un'apertura più ampia. In parole semplici, questo significa che l'obiettivo sarà in grado di catturare più luce. Il risultato? Scatti con lo zoom più luminosi e nitidi quando l'illuminazione è scarsa, con meno rumore digitale.
Questo aggiornamento è fondamentale per colmare il divario con alcuni top di gamma Android. Renderebbe l'iPhone 18 Pro uno strumento fotografico ancora più versatile e affidabile, specialmente di notte o in ambienti chiusi.
Un hardware potente ha bisogno di un software all'altezza. E anche su questo fronte ci sono notizie interessanti. Sembra che Apple stia lavorando a un aggiornamento sostanziale dell'app Fotocamera, spesso considerata troppo "basilare" dagli utenti più esigenti. L'obiettivo sarebbe quello di introdurre controlli più avanzati, avvicinandola all'esperienza d'uso di una fotocamera professionale.
Potremmo inoltre vedere nuove funzioni software esclusive per i modelli Pro, continuando un trend già avviato in passato. Anche il tasto "Camera Control" potrebbe ricevere delle migliorie, anche se i dettagli sono ancora scarsi. L'idea è quella di offrire un pacchetto completo, dove hardware e software lavorano in perfetta sinergia.
Siamo di fronte a una vera e propria svolta fotografica? È ancora presto per dirlo con certezza, ma le premesse ci sono tutte. L'apertura variabile, un teleobiettivo migliorato e un software più potente formano un trio di aggiornamenti che potrebbero davvero fare la differenza.
Se queste anticipazioni si rivelassero corrette, l'iPhone 18 Pro si posizionerebbe come un punto di riferimento assoluto nel campo della fotografia da smartphone. L'apertura variabile, in particolare, è una di quelle funzioni che, se implementata a dovere, non solo migliora le foto in condizioni difficili, ma trasforma il modo in cui concepiamo e realizziamo i nostri scatti. Non ci resta che attendere l'annuncio ufficiale di Apple per scoprire quali di queste novità diventeranno realtà.
L'articolo iPhone 18 Pro: tutte le novità sulla fotocamera proviene da sicurezza.net.
L'addio agli adblock su Chrome è un tema sempre più attuale. Se anche tu non puoi fare a meno di un'estensione per bloccare la pubblicità, è il momento di prestare attenzione. Google sta per chiudere definitivamente il capitolo su cui si basano i più popolari ad blocker, inclusa la famosa estensione uBlock Origin.
Questa non è una novità improvvisa, ma l'atto finale di una transizione in corso da anni. Il passaggio al nuovo sistema, chiamato Manifest V3, sta per diventare obbligatorio, eliminando ogni scappatoia. Ma cosa significa questo per la tua navigazione quotidiana? E, soprattutto, quali soluzioni hai a disposizione? Scopriamolo insieme.
Per anni, le estensioni come uBlock Origin hanno funzionato grazie a un'architettura chiamata Manifest V2. Questo sistema garantiva ampia libertà di analizzare e bloccare le richieste di rete, un meccanismo molto efficace contro le pubblicità invasive. Google, però, ha deciso di mandarlo in pensione a favore di Manifest V3. La motivazione ufficiale si concentra su maggiore sicurezza, privacy e prestazioni.
Tuttavia, il nuovo sistema impone limiti molto più severi. Ad esempio, restringe drasticamente il numero di regole di filtraggio che un'estensione può utilizzare, traducendosi in una capacità di blocco decisamente inferiore. Fino a poco tempo fa, esisteva un "trucco" per gli utenti più esperti: un flag nascosto che permetteva di mantenere attive le vecchie estensioni. Google ha definito questa opzione "codice morto", annunciandone la rimozione definitiva per problemi di manutenzione e rischi per la sicurezza.
La fine del supporto non è un'ipotesi lontana, ma ha delle date precise. Google ha pianificato la rimozione completa di ogni residuo di Manifest V2, chiudendo ogni porta alla retrocompatibilità. Ecco le tappe fondamentali da ricordare:
È importante notare che questo cambiamento non riguarderà solo Chrome. Anche altri browser basati su Chromium, come Microsoft Edge e Opera, seguiranno con ogni probabilità la stessa strada.
A questo punto ti starai chiedendo: cosa posso fare? Fortunatamente, ci sono ancora delle valide opzioni per mantenere un'esperienza di navigazione pulita e senza interruzioni.
La soluzione principale e più efficace è anche la più semplice: cambiare browser. Mozilla Firefox, infatti, ha dichiarato pubblicamente di voler continuare a supportare Manifest V2.
Questo significa che potrai continuare a usare la versione completa e più potente di uBlock Origin e di altri ad blocker senza alcuna limitazione. Se per te una navigazione senza pubblicità è una priorità assoluta, il passaggio a Firefox è la scelta più logica e consigliata.
Se preferisci rimanere nell'ecosistema di Google, dovrai accettare un compromesso. Esiste già una versione di uBlock Origin Lite, compatibile con Manifest V3 e disponibile sul Chrome Web Store. Tuttavia, come suggerisce il nome, è una versione "alleggerita". A causa dei limiti imposti dalla nuova architettura, la sua efficacia è sensibilmente inferiore rispetto alla versione originale. Potresti notare che alcuni annunci e tracker riescono a superare i suoi filtri.
La questione centrale riguarda il modello di business di Google, basato quasi interamente sulla pubblicità online. Il fatto che la nuova architettura penalizzi proprio gli strumenti più efficaci per bloccarla non sembra una coincidenza, ma una precisa scelta di design.
Sebbene le giustificazioni tecniche sulla sicurezza siano valide, la mossa va a diretto vantaggio del suo business principale. La vera domanda, ora, è come reagiranno gli utenti. Quanti saranno disposti a cambiare le proprie abitudini per un web più pulito? La scelta, alla fine, spetta solo a te.
L'articolo Addio adblock Chrome: Google cambia le regole, cosa fare ora? proviene da sicurezza.net.
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Bonjour,
Dans un Framacount dont la devise principale est l’euro, je veux ajouter une dépense en CHF.
Je choisis donc cette devise dans la page de saisie, entre le « montant à convertir » et un taux personnalisé.
Le montant est correctement converti en euros.
Ensuite je choisis une répartition « inégalement - par montants ».
Puis je saisis les montants individuels dans la colonne CHF. Je m’attendrais à ce qu’ils soient convertis en euros dans la deuxième colonne, eh bien non elle reste vide. Et quand je clique sur « créer », il ne se passe rien.
Donc bug ou mauvaise manip de ma part ?
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Nouvelle version beaucoup plus compliquée
Tant pour celui qui créé la demande que pour ceux qui reçoivent pour s’inscrire.
Pour TOUS c’est difficile
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Derniers jours pour postuler à notre offre d'emploi d'administrateur·ice système (fin le 21 juin 2026).
Bonjour,
Pouvez-vous expliquer comment imprimer le sondage en A4 Portrait. Il est impossible de changer cela avec le logiciel de l’imprimante, l’option n’est pas présente en utilisant Framadate.
Salutations
Bonjour.
Lors de la création d’un pad, il est indiqué que sa durée de vie est de 7 jours en l’absence de modification.
J’aurais souhaité sauvegardé les CR de CA et d’AG de mon association : est-ce possible ?
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What would you think of me, the ProPublica editor responsible for newsroom standards, if I placed a bet on the baseball game I’m currently listening to on the radio? Probably that I’m doing something plenty of others do, and that my wallet will be lighter in a few innings.
What would you think of me if I stood to make a tidy sum based on the outcome of a news event ProPublica has been covering? You’d probably think that’s downright shady, because isn’t the job of a journalist to report the news and not make money off it?
Lest you think I’m an ethically compromised editor, you can rest easy. According to a recent update to ProPublica’s code of ethics, “no employee should wager on the outcome of news events on the prediction markets — regardless of whether or not they are involved in coverage of said event.”
ProPublica has always prohibited employees from profiting off inside information, so you may wonder why we amended our code of ethics to specifically single out prediction markets. We have not encountered any instances of this happening on our staff, but it has become harder and harder to deny the influence and reach of prediction markets beyond sports. In fact, deals between prediction markets and news organizations abound, such as Kalshi with CNN, Fox News and The Associated Press, and Polymarket with Dow Jones.
But there have also been worrying examples of these markets at play. Look to the case of a U.S. soldier involved in the ouster of Nicolás Maduro from power in Venezuela who was said to have made over $400,000 by betting on the mission. (He was charged with “unlawful use of confidential government information for personal gain, theft of nonpublic government information, commodities fraud, wire fraud, and making an unlawful monetary transaction,” according to the Department of Justice, and has pleaded not guilty.) Or to the political candidates who were accused of trying to make trades on their own races. (All three received fines from Kalshi ranging from about $540 to about $6,230 and were suspended from the platform for five years.) Or even to the journalist who detailed receiving threats from gamblers trying to get him to change his report on a missile impact in Israel. (He didn’t.)
At ProPublica, it felt imperative for us to establish professional boundaries in a world where a person can have a financial stake in almost anything. Our thinking was: If one of our employees has money riding on an outcome, can a reader be sure we’re covering a story without bias?
We take your trust seriously and know that it is something to be earned and maintained. We’ve always held ourselves to high standards. The code of ethics specifically exhorts our journalists to “avoid any actions that could make a reasonable reader doubt their ability to report fairly or with neutrality on the subjects of their coverage.” We know that even the appearance of us doing anything other than working in the public interest is troubling.
When we began seeing instances of people making money off the outcome of news events, one of our concerns was that readers might assume journalists were doing the same. Even gambling on news events that ProPublica would most likely not cover, like next year’s presidential election in France, isn’t a good look for a journalist. If someone on our staff is doing that, a reader might wonder if they are betting on something closer to home or to their field of expertise.
However, we also wanted to take care to not close the door on activities that don’t pose such an existential reputational risk. A bunch of investigative journalists throwing a few dollars into an office sports pool will probably not have the public thinking we’re incapable of being fair — although some of our team allegiances might make readers think we’re gluttons for punishment. And putting a bit of money on a ballgame isn’t a huge cause for alarm. So we took care to say that “betting on sporting events (like the Super Bowl or the Kentucky Derby) and taking part in small-stakes, friendly contests (like office pools on the Oscars) are permissible when legal and when employees are not involved in coverage of those events.”
(And even though our code of ethics allows us to bet on sporting events in these cases, I don’t because I prefer to spend my money on cheap seats and stadium novelties.)
Other outlets are also tackling this issue. NPR recently issued guidance that says “editorial employees are not allowed to use prediction markets or similar sites to place bets on developments of news events, or anything else we might cover, or on things NPR controls,” including who will appear on upcoming Tiny Desk Concerts. And the New York Times’ standards editor said in a memo to staff that “betting on the outcome of news events on the prediction markets is a violation of our principles and ethical guidance and is not permitted.”
Beyond journalism, this has also gotten attention at the state and national levels. Places like Maryland and New York have put rules in place to prohibit state employees from using inside information to bet on prediction markets. And a number of lawmakers in the U.S. House of Representatives have called for banning members of the chamber and their staff from gambling on the platforms.
Our code of ethics isn’t immutable, and down the road we may revisit this topic and further bolster our guidelines. Or we may tackle something that isn’t even on our radar today. But we will always act with the reader in mind so you know you’re getting the truth from people who are accountable only to you. You can bet on it. Actually, maybe don’t do that.
The post Why We Changed Our Code of Ethics to Address Prediction Markets appeared first on ProPublica.
Le funzioni di iOS 27 nascoste che stanno emergendo promettono di rendere il tuo iPhone ancora più potente di quanto immagini. Il WWDC 2026 ci ha già svelato meraviglie, con l'intelligenza artificiale di Siri a rubare la scena. Eppure, sembra che Apple abbia tenuto in serbo alcune sorprese.
Dietro le quinte, l'azienda sta lavorando a delle chicche non mostrate sul palco. Non si tratta di piccole correzioni, ma di funzionalità capaci di cambiare l'uso quotidiano dei tuoi dispositivi. Sei pronto a scoprire cosa bolle in pentola a Cupertino? Vediamo insieme le tre novità più interessanti che potrebbero arrivare entro settembre.
Hai mai desiderato lo stile del quadrante Modular Ultra, ma non possiedi un Apple Watch Ultra? Buone notizie in arrivo. Apple sta per rendere disponibile una versione alleggerita di questo amatissimo quadrante per un pubblico più vasto. L’idea è semplice ma geniale.
Manterrà l'orologio di grandi dimensioni che lo rende così leggibile e iconico, eliminando però la seconda fila di complicazioni. Il risultato è un'interfaccia più pulita e snella, perfetta per chi è passato da un modello Ultra a un Series 10 e sente la mancanza di quel design. È una piccola attenzione che dimostra quanto Apple ascolti i feedback degli utenti.
Questa è forse la novità più attesa. L'attuale integrazione di Siri con ChatGPT è stata solo un assaggio del futuro. Con iOS 27, Apple ha in programma di fare un passo da gigante, aprendo finalmente le porte ad altri chatbot come Gemini e Claude. La vera rivoluzione si chiama Extensions API.
Invece di stringere accordi commerciali con ogni singola azienda, Apple fornirà agli sviluppatori uno strumento per integrare i loro modelli di intelligenza artificiale direttamente in Siri. Questo significa un ecosistema più aperto e competitivo. Tuttavia, c'è un rovescio della medaglia: non essendo partnership dirette, le garanzie sulla privacy potrebbero essere diverse rispetto all'accordo iniziale con OpenAI.
Ti starai chiedendo perché un annuncio così importante sia stato tenuto nascosto. Le ragioni potrebbero essere diverse e molto strategiche:
L'ultima delle funzioni nascoste di iOS 27 riguarda un'app che usiamo tutti i giorni: la Fotocamera. Immagina di poter spostare i controlli, come il flash o il timer, esattamente dove li vuoi tu. Non dovrai più cercare le impostazioni giuste nel momento sbagliato. iOS 27 dovrebbe introdurre una fotocamera completamente personalizzabile.
Potrai riorganizzare l'interfaccia per adattarla perfettamente al tuo stile di scatto, rendendo l'esperienza più rapida e intuitiva. Anche se questa novità non è apparsa nella prima beta per sviluppatori, l'attesa è altissima. Sarebbe un cambiamento che premierebbe sia i fotografi amatoriali che i professionisti.
In sintesi, iOS 27 si preannuncia un aggiornamento ancora più ricco di quanto visto al WWDC. Un quadrante più accessibile, un Siri finalmente aperto al mondo e una fotocamera su misura sono novità che potrebbero davvero migliorare la nostra esperienza quotidiana. Sebbene non ancora ufficiali, queste indiscrezioni provengono da fonti molto affidabili nel mondo Apple. Non ci resta che attendere il rilascio ufficiale a settembre. E tu, quale di queste funzioni attendi con più impazienza?
L'articolo iOS 27 funzioni nascoste: 3 novità che Apple ha tenuto segrete proviene da sicurezza.net.
Comme souvent, la problématique n’est pas tant de créer de nouvelles loi que de faire appliquer [celles qui existent déjà](https://www.legifrance.gouv.fr/codes/section_lc/LEGITEXT000006070719/LEGISCTA000006149831/#LEGISCTA000006149831).
Filmer des personnes dans des lieux privés (cafés, restaurants, etc…) est totalement interdit sans leur consentement. Dans la rue ça peut être autorisé, du moment que ça ne cible pas quelqu’un en particulier et qu’il n’y a pas de diffusion. Or, vu que les données sont stockées sur les serveurs de méta, il y a bien diffusion a un tiers et il est donc illégal de filmer qui que ce soit avec ces lunettes.
C’est non seulement illégal pour le porteur des lunettes, mais aussi pour méta, puisque :
> Le fait de collecter des données à caractère personnel par un moyen frauduleux, déloyal ou illicite est puni de cinq ans d’emprisonnement et de 300 000 euros d’amende.
Je vous laisse lire les articles de loi en lien. Ils sont déjà plutôt bien pensés.
Le jour où Zuzuck risquera réellement les cinq ans de séchoirs prévus par la loi, ça le calmera un peu.
Le jour où les gens refuserons d’acheter ces trucs parce qu’ils auront peur de se prendre un PV à chaque fois qu’ils croisent un flic, ça calmera un peu les investisseurs qui mettent leur argent là-dedans
Ce n’est pas un problème de législation larguée face au progrès technologique. C’est un problème d’impunité de certaines personnes vis-à-vis de la loi.
💬 NOUVELLE BD sur le Framablog : « Quand est-ce qu'on interdit les lunettes connectées ? »
@gee fait le point, en humour et en images, sur cette (nouvelle) mode !
▶️ https://framablog.org/2026/06/15/quand-est-ce-quon-interdit-les-lunettes-connectees/
#BD #oc #inkscape #humour #GriseBouille #RayBanMeta #GAFAM #GoogleGlass #lunettes
La nuova sinergia tra Firefox, Vulkan e le GPU NVIDIA sta per rivoluzionare l'esperienza multimediale su Linux. Si tratta di un passo avanti tecnologico atteso da anni. Se utilizzi una scheda grafica NVIDIA sul sistema operativo del pinguino, questa è una notizia di fondamentale importanza. Mozilla sta infatti integrando il supporto a Vulkan Video, una tecnologia che promette di risolvere i problemi legati all'accelerazione hardware dei video.
In parole semplici, questo significa dire addio a configurazioni complesse. Si dà il benvenuto a una riproduzione video più fluida, efficiente e stabile. Sei pronto a scoprire come cambierà il tuo modo di guardare contenuti online?
Per capire l'importanza di questa novità, è necessario fare un passo indietro. Fino a oggi, Firefox si è affidato a un'interfaccia chiamata VA-API per la decodifica video hardware. Lo scopo è semplice: delegare il pesante lavoro di elaborazione dalla CPU alla GPU, liberando così risorse e riducendo i consumi energetici.
Questa soluzione ha sempre funzionato bene con le schede grafiche Intel e AMD. Il problema, però, ha sempre riguardato NVIDIA. L'azienda ha storicamente seguito un percorso tecnologico differente, basato su standard proprietari come NVDEC e NVENC. Di conseguenza, per far dialogare Firefox con una GPU NVIDIA su Linux, gli utenti erano costretti a usare "traduttori" software. Un esempio noto è il `nvidia-vaapi-driver`. Questa catena di passaggi aggiuntivi introduceva spesso instabilità, bug e una complessità non necessaria.
L'arrivo di Vulkan Video cambia completamente le carte in tavola. Questa tecnologia, sviluppata dal Khronos Group, è un'estensione delle API grafiche Vulkan, pensata appositamente per la codifica e decodifica video. Vediamo i vantaggi principali.
Il beneficio più grande è l'adozione di uno standard unico e multipiattaforma. Invece di gestire interfacce diverse per ogni produttore, Firefox potrà comunicare direttamente con la GPU attraverso un unico linguaggio condiviso. Questo non significa che tecnologie hardware come NVDEC di NVIDIA verranno abbandonate. Al contrario, Vulkan Video crea un ponte software moderno e ottimizzato per accedervi, eliminando la necessità di strati di compatibilità esterni. Per gli sviluppatori, questo si traduce in un codice più pulito e facile da mantenere.
Per l'utente finale, i vantaggi sono ancora più concreti. La decodifica hardware diretta si traduce in:
In breve, potrai finalmente goderti i contenuti multimediali con la massima qualità possibile, senza compromessi.
Il lavoro di integrazione è in fase avanzata, frutto della collaborazione tra ingegneri di Mozilla, Red Hat e della stessa NVIDIA. Salvo imprevisti, il supporto a Vulkan Video dovrebbe essere introdotto ufficialmente con il rilascio di Firefox 133, previsto entro la fine del 2024.
L'attesa è breve e testimonia l'impegno verso una soluzione solida e ben testata. È un segnale forte di come l'industria si stia muovendo verso standard aperti e condivisi, a tutto vantaggio dell'esperienza utente.
L'integrazione di Vulkan Video in Firefox rappresenta molto più di un semplice aggiornamento tecnico. È la chiusura di un cerchio per gli utenti Linux che, per anni, hanno cercato di ottenere un'esperienza multimediale impeccabile con il proprio hardware NVIDIA. Questa mossa non solo semplifica la vita agli utenti e agli sviluppatori, ma rafforza anche la posizione di Linux come sistema operativo maturo e performante per l'uso desktop quotidiano.
L'articolo Firefox su Linux: Vulkan rivoluziona i video con GPU NVIDIA proviene da sicurezza.net.
Read more of this story at Slashdot.
Bon. On pensait être débarrassés de ces saletés suite au flop des Google Glass, mais visiblement, ça revient à la mode. Alors faisons le point…
💡 Aujourd’hui, on s’attaque à un gros morceau : les lunettes connectées. Bon, le terme officiel, c’est « lunettes intelligentes », de l’anglais « smartglasses » calqué sur « smartphone »…
⚠️ Il y a 15 ans déjà, en 2011, Google lance les hostilités avec les Google Glass.
▶️ Lorsque Google met fin à l’expérimentation en 2015, après un nombre de ventes ridicule, on croit le projet enterré dans la décharge du numérique où viendront vite le rejoindre les NFT et le Métavers.
Mais c’est sans compter sur…
Facebook en 2021.
✷ La multinationale franco-italienne de la lunette. Ce qui nous permet de classer ce projet dans la catégorie « cacarico » : c’est caca, oui, mais c’est un peu français aussi !
💡 Au niveau technique, on reste sur du classique : caméras et microphones intégrés, connexion au téléphone par Bluetooth, et évidemment, stockage sur les serveurs de Facebook, dont on rappellera à toutes fins utiles qu’ils sont soumis aux lois étatsuniennes comme le Patriot Act.
Une question se pose donc assez rapidement :
Quand est-ce qu’on interdit ces merdes ?
⚠️ Il n’y a AUCUN univers où filer des lunettes connectées à tout le monde, ça se passe bien.
⚠️ Là, si on commence à avoir des lunettes connectées un peu partout, on se lance sur un chemin dystopique à un niveau hallucinant.
(Surtout si, comme pour les fameuses enceintes connectées, les lunettes filment et enregistrent un peu quand Facebook le veut, sans qu’on ait des masses de contrôle sur les données et ce qui en est fait).
C’est la certitude, ou plutôt l’incertitude – ce qui est presque pire – d’être filmé, enregistré et analysé en permanence.
D’ailleurs, le public ne s’y trompe pas : dans une étude de la CNIL, on apprend que deux tiers des sondés trouvent que c’est un risque pour la vie privée.
▶️ Pour les lunettes connectées comme pour l’IA générative, on aimerait voir les mêmes précautions que pour le clonage humain, rapidement interdit après la naissance de Dolly, la première brebis clonée en 1997.
⚠️ Rappelons que le mantra de Facebook a longtemps été « move fast and break things », ce qui signifie donc « bouger vite et casser des trucs ». En général, quand quelqu’un annonce ses intentions aussi clairement, on ne lui déroule pas le tapis rouge.
Ceci dit, ne soyons pas totalement négatifs, il reste un peu d’espoir, notamment du côté de l’Union européenne :
le Règlement sur l’intelligence artificielle, par exemple, enquiquine pas mal Meta et compagnie sur la question de l’exploitation des données des lunettes par IA.
💡 Ces rares freins sont un début, mais restent timides par rapport à l’ampleur du problème. Connaissant l’historique des GAFAM, est-ce que ce sera vraiment suffisant ?
⚠️ Ce serait donc pas mal de ne pas trainer pour légiférer sur les objets de surveillance généralisées que sont ces lunettes connectées : pour une fois, on pourrait avoir un cadre légal contraignant et protecteur (pour nous) en amont du bazar.
Sources :
Les lunettes connectées : la CNIL appelle à la vigilance (CNIL)
Europe Can’t Get Meta Ray-Ban Display Because of EU Regulations) (Gizmodo [EN])
Crédit : Gee (Creative Commons By-Sa)
Besoin d'une mise à jour sur les nouvelles de la semaine passée ? Le #KhrysPresso de @Khrys est là pour vous !
https://framablog.org/2026/06/15/khryspresso-du-lundi-15-juin-2026/
(Photo de Chris Dag - cc-by)
Comme chaque lundi, un coup d’œil dans le rétroviseur pour découvrir les informations que vous avez peut-être ratées la semaine dernière.
Tous les liens listés ci-dessous sont a priori accessibles librement. Si ce n’est pas le cas, pensez à activer votre bloqueur de javascript favori ou à passer en “mode lecture” (Firefox) ;-)
Au Ghana, aux États-Unis ou en Turquie, les droits des personnes LGBTQI+ sont attaqués. Ces offensives sont d’autant plus visibles en ce mois où les marches des fiertés, ou prides, ont lieu aux quatre coins du monde.
Le continent européen se réchauffe bien plus vite que n’importe quel autre, alerte l’OMS. Un phénomène dont les répercussions sont d’ores et déjà visibles, alors que les décès prématurés dus à des vagues de canicules se multiplient en Italie, Espagne ou encore en Grèce.
Cela fait 1 566 jours aujourd’hui depuis que l’armée russe à lancée une guerre à grande échelle contre l’Ukraine, en février 2022. Lorsqu’on prend en compte l’annexion de la Crimée en 2014, cela fait 4 492 jours que l’Ukraine subit l’agression russe – deux fois plus que la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
Depuis une vingtaine d’années, de nombreux pays africains ont adopté des technologies biométriques pour enregistrer ou identifier les électeurices, avec la promesse récurrente de réduire certaines fraudes et d’améliorer la qualité des scrutins.
l’est de la RDC constitue un terrain propice à ce type de contagion : la déforestation causée par l’exploitation minière pousse les animaux contaminés vers les villes, tandis que les nombreux conflits armés parquent les réfugiés dans des camps propices à la propagation des virus.
The EU’s biometric-based Entry-Exit System (EES) may continue to cause long queues at borders for another two years, a Frontex official has said. At the same time, the travel industry warns that queues could divert holidaymakers to other destinations, causing EU countries to potentially lose billions in visitor spending.
Les élections du 17 mai dernier au Parlement d’Andalousie, qui décident de la composition du gouvernement régional, ont constitué une surprise pour certain·es et un choc pour le système des partis andalous, qui pourrait avoir des répercussions possibles à l’échelle de l’État espagnol. Le catalyseur de ce basculement est le résultat obtenu par Adelante Andalucía (AA), une coalition de la gauche radicale
il nous semble essentiel d’affirmer que l’immigration est un fait positif, que nous sommes en capacité d’accueillir plus de monde et que nous devons le faire. Ce qu’il se passe en Espagne actuellement montre que ce projet est possible et qu’il est porté par toute une partie de la société civile.
« Nous ne pouvons pas croire en Jésus et promouvoir la guerre », a déclaré le Pape depuis la Sagrada Familia de Barcelone.
In recent days you will have read various articles announcing the arrival of Euro-Office, which is being “marketed” as the first open-source office suite developed in Europe. We feel compelled — reluctantly, since open source should rest on transparency, not deception — to correct this claim. The first open-source office suite developed in Europe was OpenOffice.org in 2001, based on StarOffice’s source code, followed by LibreOffice from 2010.
The EU has told Meta that it must allow AI chatbots operated by rival firms to use WhatsApp for free.
Ce bond financier en avant est dû à l’introduction en Bourse de SpaceX ce vendredi, qui réalise un départ fracassant.
As Congress advances anti-LGBTQ+ legislation and states expand restrictions on queer and trans visibility, PEN America experts warn the tactics increasingly resemble those used by modern authoritarian governments.
Plusieurs collectifs et assemblées comptent bien perturber l’inauguration de ce “Mondial de la dépossession et de la guerre” et dont 13 matchs se joueront au Mexique. Autour de l’Assemblée “antimundialista”, des collectifs de proches de disparus et de la grève des enseignants, les mots d’ordre convergent comme les cortèges ont prévu de le faire en direction du stade Azteca.
À Los Angeles, capitale états-unienne du “soccer”, les tarifs ont découragé jusqu’aux plus passionnés, tandis qu’une possible intervention de la police de l’immigration effraie les quartiers latinos.
Le peintre anglais était l’un des derniers survivants du pop art. Des toiles les plus intimes aux tableaux les plus militants, retour en images sur les chefs-d’œuvre d’un travailleur acharné.
Depuis que Peter Thiel, le fondateur de Palantir, a déménagé à Buenos Aires, le président paléolibertarien travaille à faire du pays la capitale mondiale du techno-libertarianisme.
“On les lance et on sait que tout sera mort. Tout ce qui sera trouvé dans cette zone sera mort”, confie le fabricant qui a fourni la technologie.
It isn’t the only startup tackling physical AI, but it’s one of the best-funded.
The move comes after Anthropic’s receipt of a US Commerce Department directive Friday evening, subjecting the new models to export controls restricting their use anywhere outside the United States.
OpenAI is preparing the biggest overhaul of ChatGPT since its launch kicked off the AI boom, as the $850 billion group hunts for new engines of growth ahead of a planned listing this year.The company intends to transform the chatbot into a “superapp” that combines coding tools and AI agents, adding products that executives believe will generate more revenue.
“A facial recognition algorithm flagged Robert Dillon as the man who tried to lure or entice a child under twelve years old at a Jacksonville Beach McDonald’s. It was wrong. Mr. Dillon […] had never set foot in Jacksonville Beach. But rather than test the machine’s answer against the evidence that would have cleared him, the officers built a case to confirm it.”
An AI agent tried to join the DN42 hobbyist network to perform a network scan, and bankrupted its operator with a $6531.30 AWS bill, to the extent that they are begging for donations from the DN42 community.
Google AI Overview court loss in Germany could spell doom for AI search industry.
Voir aussi Un tribunal allemand déclare Google responsable des réponses fausses de son AI Overview (next.ink)
Forecasts of run-of-the-mill weather conditions have a lot of practical value, but there is life-or-death value in an accurate forecast of extreme weather conditions. The more extreme, the more true that is. But just as a bird-identifying algorithm can’t identify a bird it wasn’t shown during training, AI-based weather models can fail at predicting extreme weather that wasn’t in their training dataset.
As ‘tokenmaxxing’ dies out, Silicon Valley is having second thoughts.
The US military struck Iran again after an Iranian drone’s lucky midair strike.
On the evening of June 7, multiple missiles were fired from various parts of Iran toward Israel. Following tensions that had emerged among Tehran, Washington, and Tel Aviv in the days following the April 8 ceasefire, Tehran finally struck parts of northern Israel, including Haifa, in response to the Israeli military’s actions in the Lebanese city of Beirut.
Pushing to seize 70 percent of Gaza’s territory, the Israeli army is opening fire at Palestinian civilians caught off guard by the ever-expanding ‘Yellow Line.’
The seven-month-old, Sam Fahd Abu Haikal, was in his mother’s arms when soldiers fired on family in Hebron
Elle disposait pourtant de tous les documents requis : visa en règle, accréditation presse et contrat officiel avec RFI. Elle couvre le conflit israélo-palestinien depuis six ans, depuis Jérusalem et Ramallah.
Une approche qui pourrait expliquer les limites des traitements actuels et aider à améliorer la manière dont cette pathologie est diagnostiquée, prise en charge et perçue dans la société.
Le 5 juillet 2023, le conseil régional Île-de-France présidé par Valérie Pécresse avait rebaptisé le lycée de Saint-Denis du nom de Rosa-Parks, jugeant la figure de la militante américaine « trop conflictuelle ». Ce 9 juin, le tribunal administratif de Montreuil a annulé cette décision pour vice de procédure.
Après la revendication d’un cybercriminel sur le piratage de Tchap, la messagerie instantanée de l’Etat, la Dinum et l’Anssi confirment la compromission de l’outil via l’usurpation d’un compte. Une enquête est en cours pour connaître le périmètre de l’incident.
Pour la première fois, tous les élèves de première planchent sur les maths ce vendredi. Pour les syndicats, cette épreuve anticipée a été conçue avant tout pour Parcoursup.
Sur la presqu’île de Crozon, dans le Finistère, le collectif Skoazell vient en aide aux femmes victimes de violences sexuelles. L’initiative est née du courage d’habitantes qui ont osé parlé. Le réseau apporte une aide logistique et morale.
Entretien avec Johanna-Soraya Benamrouche et Laure Salmona, cofondatrices de l’association Féministes contre le cyberharcèlement.
Pendant des années, le docteur nantais Traverson a abusé de son autorité de médecin. Poursuivi pour des palpations des seins non justifiées sur une soixantaine de victimes, dont des mineures, il a été reconnu coupable en décembre 2025. […] L’enquête judiciaire aurait pu commencer plus tôt. En 2021, une première plainte est déjà déposée, pour une jeune fille de 11 ans à l’époque. Dans le cadre d’une hospitalisation psychiatrique, elle révèle que le docteur Traverson lui a touché le pubis. La plainte est toutefois classée sans suite.
Après le meurtre, fin mai, d’une enfant de 11 ans dans le Gers, le casier vierge du principal suspect, malgré des plaintes pour violences sexuelles sur mineure depuis 2017, provoque un débat sur les causes des dysfonctionnements de la justice et de la police dans ce type d’affaires.
un organisme de référence dans la lutte contre la pédocriminalité internationale avait fait remonter en France plusieurs signalements sur Jérôme Barella.
L’affaire Lyhanna met en lumière les limites d’une conception viriliste du pouvoir incarnée par le ministre de la Justice. Quand les violences sexuelles s’imposent au débat public, la posture de l’« homme fort » apparaît moins comme une solution que comme une partie du problème.
Voir aussi Affaire Lyhanna : le pire de la politique (politis.fr)
Face à la tragédie, Gérald Darmanin et Emmanuel Macron se sont empressés d’accabler les magistrats pour mieux échapper à la remise en cause de leur politique.
Et Lyhanna : une justice empêchée par les choix de Gérald Darmanin (blast-info.fr)
Le procureur de la République a requis l’ouverture d’une information judiciaire à son encontre et sa mise en examen pour des faits de viols, de tentatives de viols, d’agressions sexuelles et de harcèlement sexuel concernant neuf victimes commis entre 2010 et 2019.
Ces accusations révélées par « Mediapart » s’ajoutent aux nombreuses autres qui visent le chanteur de 67 ans, déjà mis en examen dans quatre affaires de violences sexuelles.
Notre média et maison d’édition sont attaqués en justice par une multinationale via une procédure bâillon. Cette multinationale se nomme Pierre Fabre, l’entreprise derrière la polémique A69.
Il y a une constante dans la politique pénale française depuis le milieu des années 1990 : chaque décennie produit sa figure de l’ennemi absolu, et chaque loi d’exception laisse des dispositifs qui, une fois installés, ne disparaissent jamais. Prendre la protection des enfants au sérieux, c’est exiger que les budgets publics aillent vers ce qui crée une réduction effective des violences, pas vers ce qui rassure à court terme et laisse les structures intactes.
Après un rejet en commission des Lois à l’Assemblée, le ministre de la Justice a annoncé retirer de son texte le dispositif de « plaider-coupable » très décrié.
Voir aussi PJL SURE : volte-face de Darmanin sur le plaider-coupable criminel (projetarcadie.com)
À un an de l’élection présidentielle, le rapport du Conseil d’orientation des retraites est plus scruté que jamais. Au risque de faire l’objet d’une récupération pour pousser à un nouveau décalage de l’âge de départ à la retraite à plus de 67 ans.
« Pensées émues pour tous les pédocriminels qui n’ont jamais passé une nuit en garde à vue », a ironisé Andréa Bescond sur Instagram [qui] avait appelé à se rassembler place Vendôme pour dénoncer les dysfonctionnements de la justice dans les affaires d’agressions sexuelles sur mineur·e après le meurtre de la petite Lyhanna
Le retentissement médiatique d’un crime, quand son auteur est perçu comme issu de l’immigration, suscite chez les Français d’origine étrangère un réflexe silencieux : la crainte que la faute d’un seul rejaillisse sur tous.
« Carcassonne est un laboratoire pour l’extrême droite, pour savoir jusqu’où elle peut détruire les libertés syndicales et d’expression »
La Cour de cassation a reconnu l’intention d’homicide du policier qui a tué Nahel Merzouk. Le 27 juin 2023, le jeune de 17 ans, était tué d’une balle tirée à bout portant lors d’un contrôle de son véhicule à Nanterre.
Face aux restructurations permanentes liées à l’ouverture à la concurrence, et au mal-être au travail qui s’installe, avec treize suicides depuis le début de l’année, la grève à la SNCF du 10 juin a été très suivie.
Cette prise de parole est intervenue après l’interruption de la cérémonie par quelques étudiants portant des masques du patron de TotalEnergies, Patrick Pouyanné, et de celui de LVMH, Bernard Arnault, diplômés de l’X, pour dénoncer les partenariats avec les entreprises privées.
René Mayrhofer […] vient de démissionner de Google pour une raison qui vous concerne directement : l’entreprise a signé un accord autorisant le Pentagone à utiliser son IA pour des opérations classifiées, et l’homme qui sécurisait votre smartphone estime que ces outils seront “probablement utilisés contre” les citoyen·nes européen·nes.
Alors qu’Amazon a préféré quitter le Québec plutôt que de signer une convention collective, sur les sites français du géant du Web, les syndicalistes dénoncent des sanctions prises à leur encontre et une culture d’entreprise qui entrave leur activité.
One day after WIRED revealed that Meta had quietly embedded an unreleased face-recognition system into an app installed on more than 50 million phones, the company removed it
Voir aussi Lunettes Meta : l’intégration de la reconnaissance faciale est discrètement en cours (next.ink)
Après une attaque au couteau à Belfast, le propriétaire de X avait appelé ses abonnés à protester et reposté des messages de leaders d’extrême droite, amplifiant selon des chercheurs des récits anti-migrants auprès de millions d’utilisateurs.
Les véhicules d’aujourd’hui savent où nous habitons, combien nous pesons et ce que nous avons mangé au dîner. Voici ce qu’il advient de toutes ces informations, et comment vous pouvez réduire le flux de données.
De 1960 à 1966, avant et après l’indépendance de l’Algérie, l’État français a expérimenté au Sahara dit algérien dix-sept bombes atomiques et autres essais chimiques. Ce sujet a longtemps été tabou en France, dans la presse, dans les discours politiques aussi bien que dans le cadre académique où enquêtes, témoignages, littérature et recherches sur ce thème ont été invisibilisés.
En agitant le spectre de la faillite de la répartition, les cercles libéraux et le Rassemblement national préparent le terrain pour les fonds de pension privés, au détriment des salariés les plus modestes. Pourtant, des propositions alternatives et réellement sociales existent.
In a 1990 interview, Steve Jobs famously stated that personal computers were “a bicycle for the mind” […] I sit in front of a Mac all day and that’s not how it feels […] That’s not a bicycle. It’s an SUV for the mind.[…] just about any “obsolete” or “underpowered” laptop can be enough once freed from the burden of always-on connectivity. It’s cheap. It’s available. You probably already have one.
Tests reveal that when people are ambling about, they have a natural tendency to turn to the left and walk in an anticlockwise direction.
We tend to view ourselves and the complex cells that build us as a distinct branch of the tree of life from the compact, seemingly featureless cells of bacteria and archaea. But we’ve found that our genome is actually a hybrid, a mish-mash of genes from bacteria and archaea, along with some that have evolved in our own lineage.
Hidden underground around the world lie 110 quadrillion kilometers of arbuscular mycorrhizal fungal networks—webs of ultra-thin threads that, if connected in a single line, would stretch almost a billion times the distance between the Earth and the sun
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@Chocobozzz Hey, so recently I received some issues for my native Peertube tvOS client, PeerTV, regarding an inability for them to login to their accounts on specific instances that require either OpenID or OAuth. I tried implementing that, but I found out that in order to use passkeys from the apple device I need to coordinate with specific instances and have the accept some sort of credential from my app (which seems rather difficult). I tried using only the user and password to sign in with SSO but there were challenges and it wasn’t consistently logging in the users.
Did you face a similar issue with the Peertube iOS app? Can you share what you were able to do to get that working (if it even works with SSO at all)?
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Hello,
I’m wondering what happens when a report is made. I imagine it sends an email to the Mobilizon hosting manager.
But if a French association runs a group, it may be liable for the content published within that group. We might want several levels of reporting:
From what I understand, both are possible. Is that right ?
Kind Regards
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Bonjour,
Je débute sur Framagenda. J’ai crée mon calendrier, ajouter mes contacts et envoyer une invitation pour chaque évènement aux participants. J’ai reçu un mail sur ma boîte Zimbra disant que mon contact acceptait mon invitation. Pourtant, quand je consulte mon calendrier sur Framagenda, il est indiqué que la réponse est en attente. Comment faire pour synchroniser la réponse avec Framagenda ?
Merci de votre aide.
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For more than a decade, Dr. Joseph Mercola cautioned parents against a potentially lifesaving shot of vitamin K for their newborn babies: “Vitamin K shots are completely unnecessary for your newborn.”
But now, in a break from his past warnings, Mercola is saying he no longer believes that.
ProPublica contacted Mercola recently as it was preparing an article about babies who died as a result of their parents turning down the vitamin K shot. Mercola’s new point of view is just as unequivocal as his old one: “The data is clear: vitamin K saves lives,” he wrote in an April article on his website two days after ProPublica contacted him. He added: “Based on the totality of the published evidence, I support vitamin K prophylaxis for all newborns.”
He also directed parents to speak to their children’s pediatricians.
“Vitamin K deficiency bleeding is rare, but when it occurs, the consequences can be devastating and irreversible,” Mercola wrote. “A single injection at birth can prevent it. Please talk to your doctor.”
Mercola is a leading vaccine skeptic and an ardent supporter of Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. He is a popular figure online, with a Facebook page that has some 1.7 million followers. He sends out a daily newsletter and sells alternative treatments for a variety of ailments.
His reversal comes at a critical moment. Hospitals and research studies have documented an alarming jump in babies not receiving the vitamin K shot, which has been recommended by the American Academy of Pediatrics since 1961 to help newborns’ blood to clot. Without it, research shows, babies are 81 times more at risk for late vitamin K deficiency bleeding, which can be fatal.
Just as has happened with measles and other vaccines, vitamin K shots have become the target of a deluge of false information online. That has caused some parents to view it as an unnecessary pharmaceutical intervention amid a lingering mistrust of the medical system following the COVID-19 pandemic.
Some point to a 2010 post from Mercola, entitled “The Dark Side of the Routine Newborn Vitamin K Shot.” A doctor in Tennessee recalled reluctant families citing the article, as did doctors in Oregon.
In the years that followed, Mercola stood by his opposition. He reiterated his position in 2014, after four babies in Nashville, Tennessee, suffered vitamin K deficiency bleeding. And he did so again in 2019, after hospital staff contacted child protective services in Illinois and took temporary custody of a newborn whose parents refused the shot for their baby.
In place of the shot, Mercola had recommended vitamin K drops, which are taken orally and have been touted online as a popular alternative. The drops, however, are not approved by the Food and Drug Administration and research shows they are not as effective as the shot, though they are used in some European countries.
In his April article, he addressed the rampant false information online regarding the vitamin K shot and acknowledged the role his writing may have played in spreading it. “The internet contains a significant amount of misinformation about vitamin K,” Mercola wrote. “Some of it may reference my own 2010 article. That article reflected the state of a scientific debate that has since been resolved. The science moved forward, and so have I.”
In fact, the science around the vitamin K shot has been settled for decades. The discovery of vitamin K and its role in clotting blood won the Nobel Prize in 1943. Newer studies have confirmed and furthered many of the findings that were available in 2010, but they do not represent a scientific shift from previous research. Some recent studies that Mercola cited in the April article document the rise in babies not receiving the shot and the catastrophic bleeding in the brain that can follow, but again both reinforce the same science that has encouraged giving the shot for more than 60 years.
In Mercola’s earlier posts, he wrote about what he deemed to be risks from the shot, beginning with “inappropriate” and “unnecessary” pain to the baby. He incorrectly claimed that the amount of vitamin K injected into newborns was far more than the needed dose. In addition, he wrote that the shot may contain preservatives that can be “toxic” to a baby’s immune system.
Benzyl alcohol is often used as a preservative in vitamin K shots, but the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and other organizations have stressed that it’s safe. In the 1980s, doctors realized that some extremely premature babies suffered benzyl alcohol toxicity, but, according to the CDC, that was because they were on so many medications containing it. In addition, many hospitals now offer preservative-free options.
Some families have also expressed fear about a “black box warning,” which appears on a drug’s label to alert providers of serious risks. The shot does contain a boxed warning, as do more than 400 other medications, but that is primarily related to adults and vitamin K that is given through an IV, not as a shot in the thigh muscle, which is how doctors typically administer vitamin K to babies. None of the dozens of doctors interviewed by ProPublica said they have ever seen an adverse reaction in an infant who received a vitamin K shot.
But even back in 2010, Mercola dispelled one popular misconception that vitamin K injections increased the risk of cancer. That belief stemmed from a pair of older refuted studies. In 2010, he wrote, “that conclusion was in error.” In April, he reinforced that message.
Alternative treatments promoted by Mercola have attracted federal scrutiny. He and his companies have had to pay millions of dollars to settle allegations that he had made false claims about the safety of products.
During the pandemic, for instance, the FDA sent Mercola a warning letter after he offered unapproved and misbranded products, including vitamin C, on his website as ways to prevent or treat COVID-19.
In 2017, the Federal Trade Commission announced it was mailing $2.59 million to people who bought Mercola indoor tanning systems. The agency charged that Mercola and his companies claimed the tanning systems were safe and that research showed that indoor tanning doesn’t raise the risk of melanoma, a type of skin cancer.
Mercola did not admit wrongdoing. His online posts include a disclaimer that they are intended as a way of sharing knowledge and information, not medical advice. He also has said his 2010 vitamin K article was based on an interview with a Dutch researcher who studied vitamin K.
Mercola, a doctor of osteopathic medicine, declined to be interviewed for this story but said his current stance is accurately reflected in the April article. “While I do not agree with all of the characterizations and conclusions in your summary,” he wrote in response to questions from ProPublica, “I have nothing further to add at this time.”
Even though Mercola has now reversed his position on vitamin K, many on social media still cling to debunked and distorted claims. On Facebook, TikTok and Instagram, unsubstantiated claims often go unchecked.
One theme that has emerged on social media is the notion that God created babies perfectly, and there must be a reason they are born without sufficient vitamin K. In one video on TikTok, a woman who identifies herself as a nurse asked, “Did God really get it wrong?”
Responding to another, someone wrote, “Just know our creator didn’t make a mistake. Every baby is born like this for a reason.”
Others lump the vitamin K shot, which is not a vaccine, in with vaccines. A comment on a video about the vitamin K shot declared, “My baby isn’t getting any vaccines.” It received more than 600 likes.
Mercola also is not the only doctor being cited by vitamin K shot opponents. Commenters on Instagram, TikTok and Reddit have directed people to Dr. Suzanne Humphries, who has spoken out about vaccines and the vitamin K shot for many years.
“My opinion is that the more I read about vitamin K,” she said in a video posted in 2014, “the more I can’t believe that it’s injected into newborn infants.”
Last month, she appeared in a lengthy interview on the website of Children’s Health Defense, the anti-vaccine nonprofit founded by Kennedy. She cited the pair of studies from more than 30 years ago that found an association between the shot and cancer, though they were both called into question shortly after they were published. As even Mercola noted in 2010, several additional studies found no increased risk of cancer following the shot.
“Those of us that believe in a divine creator,” she said, “believe that maybe it is by design, or that actually it is by design, and that there’s a reason for it.”
Humphries did not respond to requests for comment.
During Kennedy’s time at Children’s Health Defense, the group published a post in 2020 that claimed aluminum adjuvants — added components that boost the body’s immune response — in vaccines are “significant sources of early exposure” to aluminum. Some vitamin K shots contain a small amount of aluminum, but studies have not found any evidence of serious or long-lasting harm. Adjuvants, according to the CDC, have been used “safely in vaccines for decades.”
Brian Hooker, chief scientific officer at Children’s Health Defense, said the aluminum concern remains, as does the cancer fear, despite multiple studies that found no basis for them. He said he would like to see more research on the vitamin K shot, as well as other newborn interventions like the hepatitis B vaccine.
“I do want to look at the individual components of these shots in conjunction with everything else that the infant is getting,” he said, “and to me that body of literature is really incomplete.”
Hooker said he worked with Kennedy for many years and, while they are no longer in direct contact, he has full confidence in the country’s leading federal health official. But Kennedy’s silence has served to deepen skepticism among experts.
“Now we’re starting to see something that I never saw, which was brain bleeds and gut bleeds in infants,” said Rep. Kim Schrier, a Washington Democrat who worked as a pediatrician for more than 15 years before running for Congress. “And that’s so scary and heartbreaking.”
At an April House subcommittee hearing, Schrier confronted Kennedy about vitamin K, saying that he made parents distrust doctors and shots, and as a result some parents are refusing the vitamin K shot and other standard care.
“Right now, Secretary Kennedy, given what I just told you about vitamin K, will you just tell pregnant women out there for the record, ‘Yes, you should get your babies the vitamin K shot’?” Schrier asked Kennedy.
Kennedy did not oblige her. He said he has never said anything about the vitamin K shot.
An HHS spokesperson did not answer ProPublica’s questions but said the CDC recommends that parents give newborns the vitamin K shot within 6 hours of their birth to prevent vitamin K deficiency bleeding. She acknowledged that uptake of the shot has declined during recent years “as public trust in health care institutions has fallen, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic amid heavy-handed mandates and inconsistent messaging during the Biden administration.”
“Rebuilding that trust,” the spokesperson wrote in an email, “requires honesty, informed consent, and respect for individual choice.”
Schrier said she empathizes with parents who are inundated with so many conflicting messages. She said she recently stepped out of the Capitol building and overheard a woman say — inaccurately — that every childhood vaccine contains glyphosate, which was an ingredient in some forms of the weed killer Roundup.
“I can just see how this is going to spiral right now. It gets out there, then it’s on social media,” Schrier said. “Every parent just doesn’t want to do the wrong thing.”
I want to understand more about why families decline a vitamin K shot. I know how difficult it is to talk about losing a child and how hard it can be to process this kind of grief. Words can’t express how sorry I am for your loss. ProPublica’s goal is to give the public the best, most trustworthy information. If you have a story to share, I hope you will reach out to me when you’re ready.
Duaa Eldeib
Send me your tips, stories and documents. Reach me by email or securely on Signal at 312-730-4797. I take the protection of my sources extremely seriously.
The post A Popular Doctor Had Long Warned That Vitamin K Shots Are Risky for Newborns. Now He’s Changed His Tune. appeared first on ProPublica.
Bonjour, j’ai crée un sondage pour une réunion, les personnes ont voté, j’ai pu accéder aux résultats de leurs votes . Mais hier les votes avaient disparu… le tableau est vide, comment les retrouver ? Merci à tous et toutes pour votre aide
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La tangenziale di Napoli è ufficialmente la prima smart road Italia. L'infrastruttura ha ricevuto la certificazione dal Ministero delle Infrastrutture e dei Trasporti (MIT), affermandosi come un modello pionieristico per l'intero Paese.
Il concetto è semplice ma rivoluzionario: una strada che non è più solo asfalto, ma un'entità intelligente che dialoga con i veicoli per migliorare sicurezza ed efficienza. Questa non è fantascienza, ma una trasformazione concreta già in atto. Grazie a una rete avanzata di sensori, telecamere e sistemi di comunicazione, la tangenziale partenopea diventa un laboratorio a cielo aperto per la mobilità del futuro. Vediamo nel dettaglio come funziona e quali vantaggi porta agli automobilisti.
Una smart road è un'infrastruttura capace di "parlare" con i veicoli che la percorrono. Supera il suo ruolo passivo per diventare un sistema attivo che raccoglie, elabora e condivide dati in tempo reale. Possiamo immaginarla come un grande sistema nervoso digitale che monitora costantemente il traffico e le condizioni ambientali. La normativa definisce una strada intelligente attraverso tre aree di intervento principali.
Sensori distribuiti lungo il percorso misurano costantemente i flussi di traffico. Questi dati vengono inviati a un centro di controllo che può prevedere la formazione di code, ottimizzare gli accessi e prendere decisioni basate su informazioni precise e aggiornate. Si passa così da una gestione reattiva a un controllo proattivo della viabilità.
La sicurezza è una priorità. Centraline meteo e sensori idrogeologici monitorano le condizioni dell'asfalto, rilevando pioggia, nebbia o altri rischi. In caso di potenziale pericolo, come un allagamento, il sistema allerta immediatamente gli operatori, consentendo interventi tempestivi prima che si verifichi un problema.
Questo è il cuore del progetto. La tecnologia V2I (Vehicle-to-Infrastructure) permette uno scambio di informazioni bidirezionale. La strada invia ai veicoli connessi messaggi su incidenti, cantieri, ostacoli o la velocità consigliata per evitare rallentamenti. Allo stesso tempo, le auto inviano dati al sistema, contribuendo a creare una mappa del traffico estremamente accurata.
Il progetto della Tangenziale di Napoli, sviluppato dal Gruppo Autostrade per l’Italia con il supporto tecnologico di Movyon, rappresenta un vero cambio di paradigma. Lungo i suoi 22 km, è in fase di installazione una complessa infrastruttura tecnologica: 217 telecamere intelligenti 15 portali per il rilevamento dei veicoli 8 centraline meteorologiche 40 antenne per la comunicazione V2I Questa dotazione crea un ecosistema cooperativo dove veicoli e strada collaborano per un unico obiettivo: rendere ogni viaggio più fluido e sicuro.
Tale tecnologia si traduce in benefici tangibili per gli automobilisti. Sulla Tangenziale di Napoli sono già attivi servizi che segnalano in tempo reale la presenza di un veicolo fermo dopo una curva o un cantiere improvviso, aumentando la sicurezza percepita.
Inoltre, il sistema può suggerire la velocità ottimale per evitare la creazione di ingorghi. Invece di limitarsi a segnalare una coda già formata, aiuta attivamente a prevenirla. Questo significa meno stress, riduzione dei tempi di percorrenza e una guida più rilassata.
La prova più evidente del potenziale di questa tecnologia è stata una sperimentazione unica in Italia, condotta tra Vomero e Fuorigrotta. Un'auto a guida autonoma ha percorso un tratto di strada adattando la sua velocità non solo tramite i propri sensori, ma grazie alle informazioni ricevute dalla strada.
L'auto del futuro non sarà più un'entità isolata, ma un veicolo perfettamente integrato in un ecosistema comunicante. Quello che sembrava uno scenario da film è oggi un progetto concreto che pone le sue radici proprio in Italia, guidando la rivoluzione della mobilità intelligente.
L'articolo Prima smart road Italia: Napoli guida il futuro della mobilità proviene da sicurezza.net.
La rivoluzione nel campo del calcolo quantistico sta accelerando grazie a QRAM e qubit, un'importante scoperta proveniente dalla Cina. Un team di scienziati ha sviluppato un componente chiave che promette di abbattere una delle barriere più complesse che hanno finora limitato questa tecnologia.
Questa innovazione potrebbe finalmente liberare l'incredibile potenza dei computer del futuro. Ma di cosa si tratta esattamente e perché è una notizia così rilevante?
Immaginiamo di possedere la macchina più veloce del mondo, ma di poterla usare solo su un tipo di strada che non è ancora stata costruita. Per anni, questa è stata la situazione del calcolo quantistico. Sebbene la loro capacità di elaborazione sia teoricamente sbalorditiva, un enorme collo di bottiglia ne ha sempre limitato l'applicazione pratica. Il problema risiede nella differenza fondamentale tra i computer classici e quelli quantistici.
I nostri dispositivi quotidiani lavorano con i bit, che possono avere solo due valori: 0 o 1. Al contrario, i computer quantistici usano i qubit. Grazie al principio della sovrapposizione, un qubit può essere 0, 1 o entrambi i valori contemporaneamente. Questa proprietà permette di processare una quantità di dati esponenzialmente maggiore. Il punto critico? Tutta la nostra informazione digitale, dai big data alle foto, è scritta in codice binario. I processori quantistici non potevano leggere direttamente questi dati. Era necessaria una conversione lenta e complessa, che finiva per annullare il vantaggio di velocità del calcolo quantistico.
Qui entra in gioco la scoperta dei ricercatori della Zhejiang University. Il team ha costruito la prima memoria ad accesso casuale quantistica, o QRAM, perfettamente integrata in un processore quantistico superconduttore. Possiamo immaginarla come un traduttore universale e istantaneo. Questo dispositivo agisce come un ponte: prende i dati classici in formato binario e li "traduce" in un linguaggio che i qubit possono comprendere e processare immediatamente.
Non si tratta di un'ipotesi teorica. I test hanno fornito risultati straordinari, dimostrando il potenziale del sistema QRAM qubit sviluppato in Cina. Il componente è riuscito a gestire pacchetti di dati da 4 e 8 bit, mettendoli in stato di sovrapposizione e processando più input contemporaneamente. Questo successo abbatte la barriera che separava la potenza del calcolo quantistico dalle sue applicazioni nel mondo reale.
Le ricadute di questa tecnologia saranno enormi e toccheranno settori chiave della nostra vita e dell'economia. L'impatto potrebbe essere profondo e trasformativo in campi come:
Operazioni che oggi richiedono anni potrebbero essere completate in un lampo.
La creazione della prima QRAM funzionante non è solo un avanzamento tecnico. È la chiave che potrebbe finalmente aprire le porte del calcolo quantistico al mondo, trasformando una promessa futuristica in uno strumento concreto. Il futuro, un tempo relegato alla fantascienza, sta bussando sempre più forte alla nostra porta. E, a quanto pare, parla il linguaggio dei qubit.
L'articolo QRAM e qubit: la Cina sblocca il futuro del calcolo quantistico proviene da sicurezza.net.
Canonical is expanding its hardware certification efforts with a new focus on ARM-powered laptops, a move that reflects the growing momentum behind ARM architecture in the personal computing market. As ARM processors become increasingly common in laptops thanks to their impressive balance of performance, battery life, and efficiency, Canonical aims to ensure that Ubuntu users receive a seamless experience on this emerging class of hardware.
The initiative represents another step in Ubuntu’s long-standing effort to provide reliable Linux support across a wide range of devices while strengthening relationships with hardware manufacturers.
For years, x86 processors from Intel and AMD dominated the laptop market. However, the landscape has changed significantly as ARM-based systems have become more powerful and capable.
Modern ARM laptops offer several advantages:
As manufacturers increasingly invest in ARM hardware, Linux distributions face growing pressure to ensure compatibility matches what users expect from traditional x86 systems. Canonical has already spent years supporting ARM across cloud, server, IoT, and embedded environments, making laptops a natural next step.
The new certification effort builds upon Canonical’s existing Ubuntu Certified Hardware program, which validates systems through extensive testing covering both hardware and operating system functionality. Certified devices undergo comprehensive verification to ensure Ubuntu operates correctly across critical components and daily workflows.
Testing typically includes:
The goal is to eliminate the uncertainty that Linux users sometimes face when purchasing new hardware.
Historically, Linux support on ARM laptops has varied significantly between devices. Some systems work exceptionally well, while others require manual configuration, custom kernels, or vendor-specific patches.
The Btrfs filesystem continues to receive significant performance tuning, and one of the latest areas of focus is snapshot deletion performance. While Btrfs snapshots have long been praised for their speed, flexibility, and efficient use of storage, deleting large numbers of snapshots has historically been one of the filesystem’s most resource-intensive operations.
Recent kernel development efforts are helping address that problem by improving metadata handling, reducing lock contention, and streamlining internal cleanup processes. The result is faster snapshot removal and less disruption on systems that rely heavily on snapshots for backups, rollbacks, and system recovery.
Btrfs is a copy-on-write (CoW) filesystem that stores data and metadata in a highly interconnected structure. This design enables many advanced features, including:
However, the same architecture that makes snapshots so efficient to create can make them more complex to remove. When a snapshot is deleted, Btrfs must determine which blocks are still referenced by other snapshots and which can be safely reclaimed. On systems with many snapshots, this process can generate significant metadata activity.
Developers have been working to reduce overhead associated with Btrfs metadata operations, which directly impacts snapshot cleanup performance.
Recent kernel updates include:
These changes help the filesystem spend less time waiting on internal locks and more time performing actual cleanup work.
One common complaint among Btrfs users has been elevated I/O activity during large snapshot deletion jobs.
On systems that maintain dozens, or even hundreds, of snapshots, cleanup operations could temporarily increase:
Recent improvements are designed to make these operations less disruptive by reducing bottlenecks inside the filesystem's metadata management code.
For users running backup servers, NAS appliances, or snapshot-heavy desktop systems, these optimizations can improve overall responsiveness while cleanup tasks run in the background.
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Le nouveau sélecteur de dates et d’heures de framagenda empêche la saisie au clavier.
C’est pour moi une sacrée perte de temps et d’expérience utilisateur.
Serait-il possible de revenir à la version précédente, ou bien d’avoir une option pour choisir le sélecteur qui nous convient ?
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Hello ! depuis la dernière mise à jour je n’arrive plus à sélectionner dans mon framagenda des heures qui finissent en “5” comme 9h45 (je peux sélectionner 9h40 ou 9h50 mais pas 9h45). Je suis embêté car j’utilise mon agenda pour le boulot et j’ai des patients à 9h45 et 15h15 par exemple, je ne peux désormais plus sélectionner ces horaires
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Immagine in evidenza rielaborata con Intelligenza Artificiale
I data center divorano l’1,5% dell’elettricità mondiale. Per la precisione: 415 terawattora nel 2024. L’equivalente di quasi l’intero consumo annuo di energia elettrica di una nazione come la Francia. Ma è una quota destinata a più che raddoppiare entro il 2030, spinta soprattutto dall’intelligenza artificiale generativa, che l’Agenzia Internazionale dell’Energia identifica come “il fattore più importante” di questa crescita.
Le reti elettriche globali sono già sotto pressione, ma la costruzione di nuove linee di trasmissione richiede dai quattro agli otto anni nei paesi più avanzati. Nel frattempo, la domanda di calcolo aumenta così velocemente che nessuna infrastruttura terrestre riesce a stare al passo.
È in questo contesto che governi e aziende tecnologiche hanno cominciato a guardare allo spazio. Del resto, lo spazio offre energia solare continua senza competere con le reti terrestri, la possibilità di sfruttare il raffreddamento passivo nel vuoto senza consumare acqua e di elaborare i dati direttamente a bordo dei satelliti che li raccolgono, senza doverli trasmettere integralmente a Terra. Quello che sembrava fantascienza è diventato, nel giro di pochi anni, un programma industriale con date, contratti e lanci già effettuati.
A maggio 2025, la Cina ha lanciato i primi satelliti di una costellazione per l’elaborazione dei dati direttamente nello spazio. Nella stessa direzione si stanno muovendo anche gli Stati Uniti. Le due grandi potenze hanno avviato programmi concreti, ancora in parte sperimentali, per portare calcolo e archiviazione oltre il cielo. Si tratta, però, di un salto tecnologico con una conseguenza politica: in futuro, i dati più strategici di governi, eserciti e grandi aziende potrebbero non trovarsi più in nessuna nazione.
I satelliti producono quantità enormi di dati, spesso troppo grandi per essere inviati interamente sulla Terra in tempo reale. Processarli in orbita riduce la latenza e la dipendenza dalle stazioni terrestri. Hewlett Packard Enterprise ha dimostrato la fattibilità di questo approccio con il programma Spaceborne Computer. La multinazionale statunitense, leader nelle soluzioni tecnologiche edge-to-cloud (in cui l’elaborazione dei dati avviene in parte sul dispositivo remoto e in parte sui server centrali), ha installato server commerciali standard sulla Stazione Spaziale Internazionale (ISS) nel 2017, 2021 e 2024. Questo ha permesso di ridurre fino al 90% il volume dei dati da trasmettere a Terra.
In un’intervista a Via Satellite (novembre 2025), Clint Crosier, già responsabile della pianificazione della U.S. Space Force e oggi direttore Aerospace & Satellite Solutions di AWS, ha illustrato i risultati pratici. In un test con la startup italiana D-Orbit, elaborare i dati direttamente a bordo del satellite ha permesso di trasmettere a Terra solo le immagini realmente utili: il satellite ha continuato a soddisfare tutti i requisiti della missione usando il 42% in meno di banda. Liberando quella banda, lo stesso satellite può inviare quasi il doppio dei dati utili senza alcuna modifica all’hardware. Il vantaggio per le applicazioni militari è evidente (non a caso, il Department of Defense Space Strategy statunitense identifica lo spazio come dominio operativo a tutti gli effetti).
Gli Stati Uniti stanno inoltre sviluppando la Proliferated Warfighter Space Architecture (PWSA) della Space Development Agency (SDA): una costellazione di centinaia di piccoli satelliti in orbita bassa interconnessi otticamente. Una flotta progettata per garantire comunicazioni resilienti e rilevamento missilistico anche in caso di attacchi a infrastrutture terrestri. A dicembre 2025, la SDA ha assegnato contratti per circa 3,5 miliardi di dollari per la costruzione di altri 72 satelliti di tracciamento missilistico. La logica strategica è chiara: in uno scenario di conflitto, gli impianti e le installazioni a terra sono tra i primi obiettivi a essere colpiti. Una capacità di calcolo dislocata nello spazio, interconnessa otticamente e ridondante offre invece maggiore sicurezza e una continuità operativa difficilmente replicabile sulla Terra.
Dagli Stati Uniti alla Cina. Come già accennato, il 14 maggio 2025 la Repubblica Popolare ha lanciato i primi 12 satelliti della Three-Body Computing Constellation, sviluppata dall’istituto di ricerca Zhejiang Lab e dall’azienda ADA Space di Chengdu. Ogni satellite offre 744 TOPS (tera-operazioni al secondo) e l’intera rete è progettata per espandersi fino a 2.800 satelliti, con una potenza computazionale complessiva di 1.000 peta-operazioni al secondo, paragonabile per ordine di grandezza ai supercomputer terrestri più potenti. I satelliti sono collegati da link laser inter-satellite (un collegamento che usa fasci di luce laser per trasmettere dati direttamente da un satellite all’altro), alimentati da pannelli solari e raffreddati passivamente dal vuoto, eliminando i costosi sistemi di raffreddamento a liquido dei data center terrestri.
Secondo un piano quinquennale citato dall’emittente televisiva cinese CCTV e ripreso dalla Reuters lo scorso 29 gennaio, la CASC (China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation) ha annunciato la costruzione di un’infrastruttura digitale spaziale da un gigawatt di potenza, identificata come pilastro del 15° Piano Quinquennale cinese, integrando capacità cloud, edge computing e terminali per elaborare dati direttamente in orbita.
C’è però da osservare che la corsa ai data center orbitali non è più una prerogativa dei governi. A novembre 2025, Starcloud ha lanciato il primo satellite equipaggiato con una GPU NVIDIA H100, realizzando la prima dimostrazione di addestramento AI direttamente in orbita. L’11 gennaio 2026, con la missione Twilight di SpaceX, sono arrivati in orbita i primi due nodi del data center orbitale della statunitense Axiom Space, sviluppati in collaborazione con la canadese Kepler Communications e collegati tramite link ottici da 2,5 Gbps.
Google, con il progetto Suncatcher, punta invece a una costellazione di satelliti dotati di TPU (i processori per l’intelligenza artificiale progettati da Google) alimentati da energia solare, con un primo test, in collaborazione con la società di San Francisco Planet Labs, previsto per il 2027. Secondo indiscrezioni, SpaceX starebbe preparando una generazione aggiornata dei satelliti della sua costellazione Starlink capace di ospitare carichi di calcolo, con link ottici inter-satellite a banda ultralarga.
A rendere economicamente plausibili delle infrastrutture permanenti in orbita è anche la riduzione dei costi di lancio, che – secondo uno studio della NASA – sono passati da circa 54mila dollari al chilogrammo con lo Space Shuttle a 2.700 dollari con il razzo riutilizzabile Falcon 9 della società spaziale di Elon Musk: una riduzione di venti volte in due decenni. Tuttavia, la gestione privata di sistemi potenzialmente critici introduce domande (per ora) senza risposta: a cominciare da chi sia responsabile in caso di violazione dei dati su un satellite commerciale.
Dal canto suo, l’Europa non dispone di un programma comparabile per il cloud orbitale. Il progetto IRIS² – 290 satelliti per comunicazioni sicure, contratto da 10,5 miliardi firmato nel dicembre 2024 con il consorzio SpaceRISE – non include infrastrutture di calcolo orbitale autonome. Sul fronte della ricerca, il progetto europeo ASCEND ha completato nel 2024 uno studio che conferma la fattibilità tecnica dei data center orbitali e si pone l’obiettivo di dispiegare 1 GW entro il 2050. ASCEND è guidato da Thales Alenia Space, joint venture tra Thales e Leonardo: la partecipazione dell’azienda italiana è il contributo più diretto del nostro paese a questo scenario.
C’è poi da notare che D-Orbit, startup comasca già protagonista del test AWS, è tra le realtà italiane più avanzate sul tema dell’elaborazione dati in orbita e ha sottoscritto contratti con l’ESA (l’Agenzia spaziale europea) nell’ambito della costellazione di osservazione IRIDE, finanziata con fondi PNRR. Ma l’Italia non ha un programma nazionale dedicato al cloud orbitale. Il rischio è quello già visto in altri ambiti digitali: competenze industriali elevate senza controllo sull’infrastruttura finale.
Il 24 febbraio 2022, all’ora esatta dell’invasione russa dell’Ucraina, un attacco informatico ha colpito la rete KA-SAT di Viasat (il gigante californiano delle telecomunicazioni satellitari), disabilitando decine di migliaia di modem satellitari in Ucraina e in Europa. Il malware usato – un wiper chiamato AcidRain – non ha violato nessun satellite in orbita, sfruttando invece una vulnerabilità VPN in server di gestione della rete fisicamente localizzati nel nord Italia, propagandosi fino a disabilitare 5.800 turbine eoliche in Germania. A maggio 2022, Stati Uniti, Unione Europea, Regno Unito e una dozzina di governi europei – inclusa l’Italia – hanno attribuito pubblicamente l’attacco al GRU, l’intelligence militare russa.
Il caso Viasat contiene una lezione che vale doppio per i data center orbitali: il punto più vulnerabile di un’infrastruttura spaziale non è il satellite. È tutto ciò che lo gestisce da Terra: stazioni di controllo, reti di uplink, sistemi di autenticazione, catena di fornitura dell’hardware. A questo si aggiunge un problema strutturale specifico dello spazio: il patching. Un data center terrestre può infatti ricevere una patch di sicurezza in pochi minuti. Un satellite in orbita bassa ha finestre di comunicazione limitate, banda ristretta e nessuna possibilità di intervento fisico. Se un sistema orbitale venisse compromesso, la risposta sarebbe strutturalmente più lenta e, in alcuni scenari, impossibile senza un nuovo lancio.
Jamming e spoofing GPS sono già operativi in zona di conflitto e documentati sistematicamente dall’Agenzia europea per la sicurezza aerea (EASA) nel Mar Nero, in Medio Oriente e nel Baltico: dimostrano che l’interferenza deliberata sulle infrastrutture spaziali è una realtà, non un’ipotesi. Un attacco a un sistema orbitale porterebbe le stesse complessità a un livello superiore: chi ha giurisdizione, chi può intervenire, con quali strumenti e in quale tempo utile.
L’Outer Space Treaty del 1967 attribuisce allo Stato di lancio la giurisdizione e il controllo sugli oggetti spaziali, indipendentemente da dove operino. Ma questo trattato non contempla infrastrutture digitali, non regola la proprietà dei dati in orbita, non prevede meccanismi di applicazione in caso di violazione informatica.
A quasi sessant’anni dalla firma, non esiste nessun trattato internazionale che disciplini specificamente la protezione dei dati nello spazio. Nel 2019, dopo otto anni di negoziato, l’UN COPUOS (la Commissione delle Nazioni Unite sull’uso pacifico dello spazio extra-atmosferico) ha adottato 21 linee guida per la sostenibilità a lungo termine delle attività spaziali: volontarie, non vincolanti e relative a detriti, sicurezza operativa e traffico orbitale. La protezione dei dati non è contemplata.
Il primo segnale che la questione stia diventando urgente sul piano normativo è arrivato a gennaio di quest’anno: SpaceX ha depositato all’americana FCC (Federal Communications Commission) una richiesta per lanciare fino a un milione di satelliti definiti esplicitamente “orbital data centers”. Questo è il primo iter normativo al mondo che affronta direttamente il tema, ma riguarda una sola nazione e non tocca le questioni di giurisdizione sui dati.
Payal Arora, professoressa di AI inclusiva all’Università di Utrecht (Olanda), ha sintetizzato il problema in un’analisi pubblicata da Rest of World nel febbraio 2026: se i dati dei cittadini sono elaborati in orbita, la sovranità digitale “diventa ambigua”, sospesa tra il Paese d’origine, lo Stato di lancio e l’operatore commerciale del satellite. Nessuno dei meccanismi esistenti – né il diritto spaziale internazionale, né il diritto cyber nazionale, né i trattati di mutua assistenza giudiziaria – è stato progettato per rispondere a questi aspetti.
Per decenni il potere digitale è stato ancorato a piattaforme fisiche entro confini nazionali. Anche i cavi sottomarini, che trasportano oltre il 95% del traffico internet globale, hanno una giurisdizione di riferimento, con trattati, procedure e responsabilità definite. Il cloud orbitale rompe questo sistema. I dati possono essere archiviati ed elaborati in luoghi che nessuna autorità nazionale può raggiungere, né fisicamente né giuridicamente. In sostanza, per la prima volta, la localizzazione dei dati smette di coincidere con il territorio.
Come spiega Jane Munga, ricercatrice per l’Africa al Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, la sovranità tende a seguire la proprietà dell’infrastruttura: chi non partecipa al suo possesso e alla sua governance rischia di essere relegato a produttore di dati senza alcuna capacità reale di controllo su come siano archiviati, elaborati o usati. Un’incognita che sconfina dal campo dell’innovazione tecnologica. Quello in corso è un passaggio epocale le cui conseguenze sono ancora da scrivere. Il rischio è che si erigano infrastrutture informatiche cruciali per nazioni, imprese e cittadini che superino la sovranità digitale degli Stati. Senza che ci siano le regole per governarle.
L'articolo La sfida dei data center spaziali proviene da Guerre di Rete.
A federal lawmaker is pushing for a provision that would bar the Federal Bureau of Prisons from offering taxpayer-funded VIP perks to pardoned drug lords and child traffickers.
Rep. Norma Torres, a California Democrat, introduced the measure last month as an amendment to a House appropriations bill, telling her colleagues that there “should never be preferential treatment for narco leaders.”
The move comes in response to ProPublica reporting on the special treatment extended to one high-profile pardon recipient — former Honduran president Juan Orlando Hernández, who was released from a federal penitentiary late last year. Less than 18 months earlier, Hernández had been sentenced to 45 years in prison for taking bribes and allowing drug traffickers to export more than 400 tons of cocaine to the U.S. while he was in office.
But after President Donald Trump pardoned him in December, the Central American strongman — who has long maintained his innocence — got what Torres and others have described as the “red carpet” treatment. On the day of his release, ProPublica found, Hernández had in place what’s known as an immigration detainer, a formal request for law enforcement agencies to hold noncitizens for pickup by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Yet instead of holding him, the Federal Bureau of Prisons scrambled to get the detainer removed so he could walk free. Then, instead of giving him a bus ticket or airfare to get home on his own, prison officials paid a four-man tactical team overtime to drive him six hours from a West Virginia high-security facility to the Waldorf Astoria in Manhattan, New York, according to records and three people familiar with the situation.
Torres sought to stop that sort of treatment with a narrowly tailored amendment barring the bureau and several other agencies from using taxpayer dollars to give convicted drug traffickers and child traffickers — even those who have been pardoned or received a sentence commutation — special accommodations or transportation, as well as from lifting “any detainers not provided to other inmates.”
Last month, the amendment hit an early stumbling block when the House Appropriations Committee voted along party lines against including it in its proposed 2027 spending bill.
“Taxpayer dollars should not be used to give convicted criminals special accommodations, lifted legal holds, or government-funded transportation,” Torres said in a press release afterward. “We should be enforcing the law, not handing out favors. I’m shocked that my Republican colleagues didn’t agree with that common sense idea.”
But that doesn’t necessarily mean the proposal is dead. Last week in a statement to ProPublica, Torres — a Guatemalan immigrant who last year criticized the decision to pardon Hernández — said she planned to raise the issue before the Rules Committee, which can decide whether previously rejected amendments still get a vote on the House floor.
“I am not giving up,” she said, adding: “The American people deserve a government that enforces the law fairly and holds powerful criminals accountable, regardless of who pardons them.”
A Bureau of Prisons spokesperson declined to comment on the measure out of respect for members of Congress. Previously, a spokesperson said that the bureau does not discuss conditions of confinement or security procedures and that employee standards of conduct prohibit staff from giving any prisoners preferential treatment. ICE had previously referred questions to the White House, which this week did not respond to a request for comment.
Long before his arrest and controversial release, Hernández had been a polarizing figure, plagued by allegations of corruption in his country. Still, he was seen as a key U.S. ally under the Obama and first Trump administrations, in part because of his apparent interest in tackling drug trafficking and migration issues.
But in 2018, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration arrested his younger brother, former Honduran congressman Tony Hernández, for weapons and drug trafficking charges. The following year, a jury found Tony Hernández guilty in a Manhattan federal trial.
And weeks after the elder Hernández left office in 2022, he was arrested in Honduras and extradited to the U.S. to face drug trafficking and weapons charges. Prosecutors said Juan Orlando Hernández funded his political career with money he got from “violent drug-trafficking organizations” in exchange for allowing them to “move mountains of cocaine” out of the country. At one point, they said during trial, he bragged that he would “stuff the drugs right up the noses of the gringos.”
After a federal jury voted to convict him in early 2024, Hernández was sent to a notorious high-security penitentiary in West Virginia to serve his time. Last year, he appealed to Trump’s sympathies, penning a four-page letter framing his case as a “political persecution” by the Biden administration.
In November — two days before the Honduran presidential election that swept Hernández’s right-wing National Party back into power — Trump announced his intent to pardon his former Central American counterpart. Experts said the timing sent an obvious message on the eve of a tight race; as one former high-ranking U.S. diplomat previously told ProPublica, the pardon was a show of support that served as a “clear green light for the National Party to manipulate the vote.”
(The narrow victory for Nasry “Tito” Asfura, who had been trailing in multiple polls, came amid reports of voter intimidation and fraud allegations. After the election, Asfura promised to “work tirelessly for Honduras.”)
On Dec. 1, Trump formally granted Hernández the full pardon, and by the end of the day he was on his way to the swank, five-star hotel in New York City, ProPublica reported. Days later, Renato Stabile, Hernández’s court-appointed lawyer, filed a motion to vacate the judgment and dismiss the indictment in light of the presidential pardon. When prosecutors didn’t file a response opposing it, a federal court agreed to Stabile’s request.
Previously, Stabile told ProPublica his client’s treatment during the release process was appropriate, as Hernández could have been arrested or killed had he been deported to his home country. He also declined to comment on where Hernández stayed but said the government did not pay the bill. Hernández had declined to comment through his attorney.
At the time, Joe Rojas, a retired prison worker and former union leader, said that BOP staff were “disgusted” after the agency “rolled out the red carpet” for Hernández.
Last month, when the amendment came up for debate in front of the 63-member House Appropriations Committee, Torres held up a printed copy of ProPublica’s investigation as she told her colleagues about the special treatment Hernández received and about how the prisons agency had used “our hard-earned taxpayer dollars” to pay for his transport to New York.
“These actions can never be allowed to happen ever again,” she said.
Two other lawmakers spoke in support of the measure. One, Rep. Hal Rogers, a Kentucky Republican, opposed it, calling the amendment “performative and unnecessary.” He did not explain his reasoning to the committee, and his office did not respond to an emailed request for comment.
Ultimately, 31 Republicans opposed the amendment and 27 Democrats supported it. None of the Republican members who voted against the amendment responded to requests for comment from ProPublica.
Though Torres plans to raise the issue again this summer in front of the Rules Committee, the 9-4 Republican majority there makes it unlikely the measure will garner enough support to move forward right now.
But if the House fails to agree on spending bills before the end of this Congress, the November elections could change the balance of power and give the Democrats more say in what amendments make it to the floor next year.
The post Lawmaker Pushes for Ban on Special Treatment for Convicted Drug Traffickers After ProPublica Report appeared first on ProPublica.
Per accedere alle build di anteprima di Windows non è più obbligatorio utilizzare un Windows 11 Insider account collegato a Microsoft. Se per anni questa è stata una regola ferrea, oggi le cose sono cambiate.
Esiste infatti un metodo efficace per testare le novità del sistema operativo in anteprima, tutelando la propria privacy e mantenendo il pieno controllo del dispositivo. In questa guida ti mostreremo come fare, passo dopo passo.
Molti credono che il programma Insider si basi su una complessa infrastruttura cloud per verificare l'identità del PC. In realtà, il meccanismo è molto più semplice. Il funzionamento di Windows Update dipende da parametri impostati a livello locale. Una volta configurato, il sistema si "autodichiara" parte di un canale Insider e richiede gli aggiornamenti specifici, senza che le verifiche online siano così stringenti. È proprio sfruttando questo principio che la soluzione che stiamo per analizzare riesce ad aggirare l'obbligo dell'account.
La chiave per sbloccare l'accesso alle build di anteprima si chiama OfflineInsiderEnroll. Si tratta di un semplice ma potente script disponibile su GitHub che automatizza le modifiche necessarie al registro di sistema. È uno strumento pulito: non installa driver, servizi permanenti o componenti che restano attivi in memoria. Esegue il suo compito e nient'altro.
Il cuore del meccanismo risiede in un valore del registro di sistema chiamato TestFlags. Impostando questo valore su un codice specifico (0x20), lo script comunica a Windows di interrompere le verifiche con i server Microsoft per la validazione dell'iscrizione.
Di conseguenza, le impostazioni locali prendono il sopravvento e Windows Update distribuisce le build sperimentali senza ulteriori controlli. Per rendere l'operazione credibile, lo script imposta anche altre chiavi fondamentali, come BranchName e RingId, simulando in tutto e per tutto un'iscrizione legittima a uno dei canali Insider.
Uno degli aspetti più interessanti di questo strumento è la sua capacità di andare oltre la semplice iscrizione. Analizzando il codice, si scopre che lo script imposta in automatico anche le chiavi di registro per bypassare i famosi controlli hardware di Windows 11. Questo significa che potrai ricevere le build Insider anche su computer che non soddisfano pienamente i requisiti ufficiali, come la presenza del chip TPM 2.0 o di una CPU recente, garantendo una flessibilità notevole.
L'utilizzo dello script è incredibilmente intuitivo e non richiede competenze tecniche avanzate. Segui questi semplici passaggi: Scarica l'ultima versione di OfflineInsiderEnroll dalla pagina ufficiale su GitHub. Fai clic con il tasto destro sul file .cmd scaricato e seleziona "Esegui come amministratore".
Si aprirà una finestra del prompt dei comandi con l'elenco dei canali Insider disponibili (Canary, Dev, Beta, Release Preview). Digita il numero corrispondente al canale desiderato e premi Invio. A questo punto, lo script applicherà le modifiche e ti chiederà di riavviare il computer. Al riavvio, vai su Impostazioni > Windows Update: troverai la nuova build di anteprima pronta per essere scaricata.
È importante essere trasparenti: ogni modifica non ufficiale al sistema operativo richiede consapevolezza. Sebbene lo script sia ritenuto sicuro dalla community, la sua funzione di ripristino potrebbe non annullare completamente tutte le modifiche apportate. Se in futuro decidessi di tornare a una versione stabile (retail) di Windows, la strada più sicura potrebbe essere un aggiornamento in-place tramite un file ISO ufficiale o, nei casi più complessi, una reinstallazione pulita del sistema operativo.
In conclusione, questo metodo non forza il sistema, ma sblocca semplicemente una via d'accesso già prevista. Dimostra che molte limitazioni sono spesso frutto di scelte strategiche e non di insormontabili vincoli tecnici, offrendoti un nuovo strumento per esplorare il futuro di Windows alle tue condizioni.
L'articolo Windows 11 insider senza account Microsoft: la guida completa proviene da sicurezza.net.
La nuova indagine antitrust WhatsApp AI sta ridefinendo le regole del gioco per gli assistenti virtuali in Europa. Con una mossa quasi senza precedenti, la Commissione Europea ha ordinato a Meta di fare un passo indietro, imponendo misure cautelari per garantire una concorrenza leale nel settore. Ma cosa significa questo per il mercato e per il futuro della tecnologia? Scopriamolo insieme.
Il fulcro della questione è la WhatsApp for Business API. Si tratta dell'interfaccia che le aziende usano per comunicare con i clienti sull'app di messaggistica. Fino a poco tempo fa, anche gli assistenti AI di terze parti potevano accedere liberamente a questa API. Le cose sono cambiate il 15 ottobre 2025.
In quella data, Meta ha introdotto una nuova policy che ha di fatto bloccato la concorrenza. L'unica opzione rimasta era utilizzare Meta AI, l'assistente proprietario dell'azienda. Questa mossa ha immediatamente allertato Bruxelles, che ha avviato un'indagine formale. La gravità della situazione ha spinto la Commissione ad agire d'urgenza. Ha imposto delle misure senza attendere la conclusione dell'inchiesta, una procedura estremamente rara e usata solo una volta in passato.
La rapidità dell'intervento europeo si spiega con un concetto chiave: la posizione dominante. Secondo la Commissione, Meta detiene un potere enorme nel mercato delle app di comunicazione. Il timore è che l'azienda possa sfruttare questo vantaggio per eliminare la concorrenza nel nascente settore degli assistenti AI. Bloccando i rivali su WhatsApp, Meta potrebbe infatti consolidare il proprio monopolio. Questo impedirebbe ad altre aziende di competere ad armi pari. Un rischio concreto per l'innovazione e per la libertà di scelta degli utenti.
È importante sottolineare che la decisione attuale è solo una misura provvisoria. L'indagine antitrust WhatsApp AI prosegue e non ha una scadenza definita. Potrebbero servire mesi, o persino anni, per raggiungere una sentenza finale. Nel frattempo, però, le regole del gioco sono state ripristinate per garantire un mercato aperto a tutti.
L'ordine di Bruxelles è chiaro e perentorio. Meta deve ripristinare la situazione precedente al 15 ottobre 2025. Questo significa garantire di nuovo l'accesso gratuito a WhatsApp per tutti gli assistenti AI concorrenti. L'azienda deve agire immediatamente: ha solo cinque giorni lavorativi di tempo per conformarsi. Le sanzioni in caso di inadempienza sono severe. Si parla di multe fino al 10% del fatturato annuo globale, oltre a penali giornaliere. È un segnale forte che dimostra la determinazione dell'Europa.
Questa vicenda non è un caso isolato, ma si inserisce in un contesto di tensioni crescenti. Le grandi piattaforme tecnologiche e le autorità europee sono spesso in conflitto. Basti pensare al recente blocco di alcune funzioni di Apple Intelligence a causa del Digital Markets Act (DMA). O alle accuse contro Google per aver favorito il suo assistente Gemini su Android.
La corsa all'intelligenza artificiale è diventata un campo di battaglia normativo. Il caso antitrust WhatsApp AI dimostra che l'Europa è pronta a usare ogni strumento per difendere la concorrenza leale. L'obiettivo è proteggere i mercati emergenti. La partita è solo all'inizio, ma il mercato degli assistenti AI torna a essere, per ora, un campo di gioco aperto.
L'articolo Antitrust WhatsApp AI: l'Europa ferma Meta proviene da sicurezza.net.
OS: Debian 11.11
Current Peertube version: 8.1.8, trying to update to 8.2.0
Current NodeJS version at /usr/local/bin/node:
Accedi
# node
Welcome to Node.js v24.16.0.
Type ".help" for more information.
>
This is the version that is executed when running node on command line. There is still an outdated version located at /etc/alternatives
# /etc/alternatives/nodejs
Welcome to Node.js v20.20.2.
Type ".help" for more information.
Most likely the old NodeJS was installed with apt. A later version is not available in the standard repository:
# apt upgrade nodejs
Reading package lists... Done
Building dependency tree... Done
Reading state information... Done
nodejs is already the newest version (20.20.2-1nodesource1).
The later version was installed by running npm install n -g and
n stable
copying : node/24.16.0
installed : v24.16.0 (with npm 11.13.0)
After that, I ran
cd /var/www/peertube/peertube-latest/scripts && sudo -H -u peertube ./upgrade.sh
and restarted Peertube with systemctl restart peertube. Regrettably Peertube refuses to start up complaining about an outdated NodeJS version.
Jun 11 04:46:46 peertube systemd[1]: Started PeerTube daemon.
Jun 11 04:46:49 peertube peertube[3959624]: [bla:443] 2026-06-11 04:46:49.512 error: Error in NodeJS check. {
Jun 11 04:46:49 peertube peertube[3959624]: "err": {
Jun 11 04:46:49 peertube peertube[3959624]: "stack": "Error: Your NodeJS version v20.20.2 is not supported. Please upgrade to NodeJS 22 or NodeJS 24\n at checkNodeVersion (file:///var
/www/peertube/versions/peertube-v8.2.0/dist/core/initializers/checker-before-init.js:317:15)\n at file:///var/www/peertube/versions/peertube-v8.2.0/dist/server.js:20:5",
Jun 11 04:46:49 peertube peertube[3959624]: "message": "Your NodeJS version v20.20.2 is not supported. Please upgrade to NodeJS 22 or NodeJS 24"
Jun 11 04:46:49 peertube peertube[3959624]: }
Jun 11 04:46:49 peertube peertube[3959624]: }
Jun 11 04:46:49 peertube systemd[1]: peertube.service: Main process exited, code=exited, status=255/EXCEPTION
Jun 11 04:46:49 peertube systemd[1]: peertube.service: Failed with result 'exit-code'.
Jun 11 04:46:49 peertube systemd[1]: peertube.service: Consumed 4.379s CPU time.
Jun 11 04:46:49 peertube systemd[1]: peertube.service: Scheduled restart job, restart counter is at 24.
Jun 11 04:46:49 peertube systemd[1]: Stopped PeerTube daemon.
Jun 11 04:46:49 peertube systemd[1]: peertube.service: Consum
Apparently the old NodeJS version number is still registered somewhere, but how can I fix this?
3 messages - 2 participant(e)s
_MUNGKHOOD_STUDIO_shutterstock.jpg?width=720&quality=80&disable=upscale)
Bonjour,
admin d’un framadate classique pour mon association, je viens de tester la version Beta. Cela fonctionne au top, bel effort 
ma question est si cette version beta est jugee fiable? Si je partage le lien du sondage à mes utilisateurs, le lien fonctionnera toujours après la phase beta?
Merci!
4 messages - 2 participant(e)s
Le 28 mai dernier, Framasoft était interviewée par l'association Data For Good
On a évoqué beaucoup de sujets : l'histoire de Framasoft, son positionnement, LaSuite numérique, les communs, l'IA, etc. (et même quelques teasers et spoilers 🤫)
Merci à Paul et à toute l'équipe D4G de nous avoir permis de partager tout cela avec leurs bénéficiaires 😊
Webinaire #25 ： D4G x Framasoft avec Pierre-Yves Gosset, coordinateur des services numériques de l'association
Enregistrée le 28 mai 2026 par Data For Good
A cybercrime group known as The Gentlemen has emerged as the second most active ransomware gang by victim count, rapidly attracting a talented pool of hackers through an aggressive recruitment strategy that promises affiliates 90 percent of any ransom paid by victims. This post examines clues pointing to a real life identity for the administrator of The Gentlemen ransomware group.
A graphic created and shared by The Gentlemen ransomware group administrator Hastalamuerte on Breachforums in May 2026. Credit: ke-la.com.
Experts at the security firm Check Point Software have been closely covering exploits of The Gentlemen, a so-called “ransomware-as-a-service” (RaaS) offering that pays affiliates handsomely to help spread the group’s malware.
“A 90/10 affiliate revenue split — compared to the industry standard 80/20 — is accelerating the group’s growth by attracting experienced operators from competing programs,” the researchers wrote in April.
Check Point found The Gentlemen are the second most active ransomware group by victim count so far this year, claiming at least 332 published victims since the group’s inception in mid-2025 and more than 240 in 2026 alone.
According to Check Point, the group targets Internet-facing devices (VPNs, firewalls) as their entry point, and once inside moves quickly to encrypt entire networks within hours.
Check Point says the administrator and primary operator of the ransomware group uses the nickname Zeta88 on the Russian-language cybercrime forums, and that this individual was previously known under the moniker Hastalamuerte. Check Point noted that a breach of the group’s backend infrastructure made it clear that Hastalamuerte/Zeta88 is the person who assembles the locker and RaaS panel, manages payments, and is essentially the administrator of the entire program who receives 10 percent of all ransoms.
The cyber intelligence firm Intel 471 shows that the user Hastalamuerte is a Russian and English speaking person who registered on almost a dozen cybercrime forums between 2019 and the present day, including Exploit, Breachforums, Ramp_V2, BHF, Raidforums, and Nulled.
Intel 471 reveals that Hastalamuerte registered on Breachforums in January 2025 from an Internet address in Izhevsk, the capital city of Russia’s Udmurt Republic. Likewise, the user Zeta88 signed up at the English-language cybercrime forum Breached in August 2022 from a different Internet address in Izhevsk.
Intel 471 finds Hastalamuerte registered on Raidforums in 2020 using the email address hastalamuerte1488@protonmail.com (1488 is a common combination of two numeric symbols associated with white supremacy). A lookup on this address at the open source intelligence service Epieos shows it is connected to an account at Apple and to a phone number ending in 04.
Epieos says that Protonmail address is also linked to a GitHub account under the username SantaMuerte. That account is marked private, but a history of this user’s activity shows they are watching and developing a number of malware tools and exploits.
In April 2020, Hastalamuerte said on the crime forum Nulled that they could be contacted at the Telegram instant messenger name @hastalamuerte18, and the threat intelligence company Flashpoint finds this username is assigned the unique Telegram ID number 30907522 [full disclosure: Flashpoint is an advertiser on this blog].
The breach tracking service Constella Intelligence reports that Hastalamuerte’s Telegram ID is connected to another username — “bu4vs” — and to the Russian phone number 79127650004. Pivoting on this phone number in Constella fetches multiple records from hacked Russian government databases showing it is assigned to one Alexander Andreevich Yapaev, a 36-year-old from Izhevsk.
Constella reveals that phone number was used to create an account at the Russian social media platform Pikabu under the name “4apai18,” and shows Mr. Yapaev has signed up at a number of websites using the common surname Ivanov, or else “Chapaev” (the numeral 4 is often used as shorthand for a “ch” sound in Russian).
A search in Intel 471 for cybercrime forum members with the nickname SantaMuerte unearths an account by the same name created in 2020 on the Russian hacking forum Codeby. Intel 471 shows this user originally registered on Codeby with the not-so-subtle nickname Alexandr 4apaev.
Constella finds Mr. Yapaev regularly used the email address bu4vs@mail.ru. Meanwhile, Epieos shows this address is connected to a LinkedIn account for Alexander Yapaev, who lists himself as the head of B2B marketing at the company Uralenergo Udmurtia, one of Russia’s largest suppliers of electrotechnical and lighting products.
Mr. Yapaev did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
Nearly every time we publish one of these Breadcrumbs stories, readers are curious to know why it seems like so many cybercriminals from Russia apparently do little to hide their real life identities. The truth is that — Russian or not — most didn’t exactly set out to be arch criminals, but instead got drawn into the scene gradually over several years as their skills broadened and sharpened.
Another important dynamic is that the Russian government generally either co-opts or ignores cybercriminal activity within its borders so long as the hackers do not steal from or attack Russian businesses and citizens. As a result, successful cybercriminals in Russia are usually insulated from prosecution and arrest by foreign law enforcement agencies provided they occasionally pay off the right people and do not travel abroad. And cybercriminals who intend to strictly adhere to those unwritten rules may (at least initially) be less concerned about covering their tracks online.
But the simplest explanation is that cybercriminals of all nationalities tend to make a number of basic operational security mistakes early in their careers, when they are less savvy and have far less to lose by their carelessness. A review of Hastalamuerte’s early posts on the crime forums (circa 2019-2020) shows a relatively unsophisticated and low-skilled hacker still trying to learn the ropes and earn a positive reputation on these communities.
For example, in June 2020 Hastalamuerte’s Telegram account joined a multi-month training program (@pntst) to learn how to use popular penetration testing tools, and their candid posts to this hacker training camp show Hastalamuerte struggling to use these tools effectively. A Google-translated record of Hastalmuerte’s posts to @pntst is here.
Update, June 11, 10:23 a.m. ET: The threat research group PRODAFT has released a detailed writeup on the history and current operations of The Gentlemen. PRODAFT said its findings match the same persona with “high confidence,” and found the administrator (Zeta88/Hastalamuerte) supplies affiliates with initial access directly, primarily Fortinet SSL-VPN credentials obtained through brute-force attacks or sourced from the group’s own leak database. They also discovered the administrator is using AI to develop and maintain the ransomware and associated tooling, as well as to assist with post-exploitation activity.
Non è possibile sostituire Carola Frediani, fondatrice, anima e colonna portante di Guerre di Rete. Allo stesso tempo, sappiamo per certo che l’ultima cosa che Carola avrebbe voluto è che questo progetto terminasse.
Carola ha sempre voluto ampliare e far crescere Guerre di Rete. Non c’era nulla che le desse più soddisfazione che individuare nuovi collaboratori e collaboratrici, allargare la squadra della redazione, trasformare ciò che era nato come una newsletter personale in un progetto collettivo.
È per questo che Guerre di Rete va avanti, in memoria di Carola e d’accordo con la sua famiglia.
Guerre di Rete prosegue mantenendo inalterato il patto con il lettore. Il nostro continuerà a essere un giornalismo rigoroso, approfondito, autonomo e indipendente.
I nostri lettori e le nostre lettrici sono coloro che ci permettono di andare avanti, finanziando un progetto che quindi solo a loro vuole e deve rispondere.
Il lavoro di Carola Frediani è la nostra bussola. L’affetto e la stima che proviamo per lei è la ragione per cui vogliamo portare avanti la sua missione.
Lo faremo con tutte le nostre forze.
La redazione di Guerre di Rete
L'articolo Guerre di Rete continua, in memoria di Carola Frediani proviene da Guerre di Rete.
In city after city, the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown has been met by protests and rallies from members of the local community opposed to the White House’s deportation policies. Federal agents from the Customs and Border Protection and Immigration and Customs Enforcement have repeatedly attempted to break up and drive back these crowds through the use of airborne irritants like tear gas and pepper spray, which can cause an array of immediate reactions — from eye pain to shortness of breath to nausea and vomiting — intended to temporarily disable their targets.
DHS has defended its use of these weapons on crowds and said that it “does NOT target children,” but after reviewing news accounts, lawsuits and officer-worn body camera footage, as well as verifying incidents by interviewing more than 40 victims or witnesses, ProPublica recently identified more than six dozen instances in which children had been harmed by tear gas and pepper spray.
Here are five things you should know about how these airborne weapons have been used during Trump’s immigration crackdown and how their use has particularly harmed children.
So-called less lethal weapons like tear gas and pepper spray were developed to inflict severe pain and debilitate adult combatants and rioters, but ProPublica identified 79 children across the country since 2025 who have been harmed by these chemicals after they were deployed by federal immigration officers. Our tally is nearly four times the number cited in a recent congressional report, yet it is likely still a vast undercount.
The Department of Homeland Security has defended its agents’ use of the chemicals and claimed the blame lies with “agitators” in the crowds and parents who put their children in harm’s way. Many children harmed by tear gas and pepper spray were in their cars, at home or walking to school when they came into contact with the airborne weapons.
There is no one such thing as “tear gas.” It’s a catch-all term for various chemical irritants that exist as a fine powder and trigger nerve endings to feel as if they’re on fire. The chemicals sear your lungs and throat, inflaming your airways until it feels like you’re breathing through a straw, while snot and tears stream down your face. They can cause vomiting, rashes and coughs that last for weeks. Pepper spray is made from compounds found in hot peppers and causes similar effects.
Because children breathe more rapidly and can pull in more contaminated air than adults relative to their body weight, these weapons are particularly dangerous to the young. Children are also more vulnerable because they have narrower airways and they are closer to the ground, where tear gas tends to pool after being deployed. The Trump administration’s use of tear gas has been so extraordinary that no one yet knows what long-term harm may result from children who’ve come into contact with these chemicals — some of them multiple times.
In November 2025, a federal judge in Illinois ruled that ICE and CBP officers had deployed these chemicals “without justification, often without warning” against people who didn’t pose a physical threat. This constituted an illegal use of excessive force, said the judge, ordering the agencies to stop. But her injunction covered only the areas mentioned in the complaint. Agents were unfettered to continue using the weapons elsewhere.
After federal agents in Portland, Oregon, responded to a Jan. 31 rally by firing various less-lethals into the crowd — including Triple Chaser grenades that each separated into three tear gas canisters; dozens of pepper ball projectiles filled with chemical munitions; and “rubber ball grenades” that released stinging pellets, bright lights, and loud sounds — a judge there issued a temporary restraining order that forbade federal agents from using chemical munitions unless targeted at someone who posed “an imminent threat of physical harm.”
However, appellate courts have subsequently vacated the Illinois judge’s ruling and multiple rulings from judges in Portland seeking to enjoin the use of these weapons.
Though the Trump administration has defended agents’ training and said ICE officers are taught to use “the minimum amount of force necessary to resolve dangerous situations,” not only can tear gas canisters launched into a crowd bounce and roll unpredictably, but the toxic chemicals can travel through the air, sometimes for blocks. In Minneapolis, ProPublica found that tear gas had traveled at least a quarter mile before seeping into a McDonald’s.
Derrick Nash and his family live a block and a half east of an ICE facility in Broadview, Illinois. Even from that distance, they felt the effects inside their homes when officers tear-gassed protesters. Each time the tear gas seeped in, the kids — ages 6 to 17 — coughed, and their throats often burned. The eldest, a high school senior with asthma, would hide out in his second-floor bedroom. One evening, his face turned red as he coughed uncontrollably and sucked on his inhaler without relief.
“He was wigging out, saying, ‘I can’t breathe,’” Nash recalled. The family considered calling an ambulance, but the street was closed.
Law enforcement policies governing the use of tear gas and pepper spray differ widely by location, and no federal standard exists. The DHS policy on force says officers must use tactics that “minimize the risk of unintended injury” and should be guided by “respect for human life.” The CBP’s policy says officers “should not use” pepper spray or “less-lethal” chemical munitions against “small children.” ICE’s policy says “the presence of other officers, subjects, or bystanders” are a factor in determining whether an officers’ use of force is reasonable.
Compare that with tear gas policies in two cities that have experienced Trump’s immigration crackdown firsthand. In Portland, police officers who consider using tear gas must take into account their proximity to homes. Meanwhile, Minneapolis forbids officers from using chemical munitions for crowd control unless authorized by the police chief — even when officers fear they will be physically harmed.
Requiring all law enforcement agencies to adopt uniform policies and training methods would go a long way, experts told ProPublica. At the same time, they acknowledge that this would likely require Congress to pass a bill mandating that federal law enforcement entities adopt stricter practices and incentivize local police departments to do the same.
Bills that seek to strengthen use-of-force training on such a wide scale and legislation that targets DHS and its use of these weapons have thus far failed to even make it to a vote in Congress. Following ProPublica’s investigation, U.S. lawmakers have begun demanding reforms to immigration officers’ use of these weapons.
The post What You Need to Know About How Tear Gas Harms Kids appeared first on ProPublica.
Microsoft today released software updates to plug nearly 200 security holes across its Windows operating systems and supported software, a record number of fixes for the company’s monthly Patch Tuesday cycle. Nearly three dozen of those bugs earned Microsoft’s most dire “critical” rating, and exploit code for at least three of the weaknesses is now publicly available.
The software giant said in a blog post last month that both its engineers and the security community are increasing using artificial intelligence tools to find bugs, meaning this month’s heavy Patch Tuesday may start to become the norm, said Satnam Narang, senior staff research engineer at Tenable.
“Some surveys put AI usage among security professionals generally at 90%, so it’s unsurprising that this volume of patches may be the norm,” Narang said. “Pandora’s proverbial box has been opened, and as more advanced AI models become available, we expect the norm to continue upward across the board, not just for Patch Tuesday.”
June’s zero-day bugs include CVE-2026-49160, a denial of service vulnerability affecting a range of web servers, including Microsoft Internet Information Services (IIS). Microsoft says the flaw was reported by OpenAI’s Codex.
Two of the zero-days addressed this month appear to stem from recent vulnerability disclosures by Nightmare Eclipse, the nickname chosen by a security researcher who has been dropping exploits for various Windows flaws. One of those, dubbed “GreenPlasma,” leverages an elevation of privilege weakness in the Windows Collaborative Translation Framework, the same framework patched today in CVE-2026-45586.
Nightmare Eclipse also last month released “YellowKey,” an exploit for a Windows BitLocker vulnerability that allows an attacker with physical access to view encrypted data, and CVE-2026-50507 is a patch for an elevation of privilege bug in BitLocker.
Microsoft received heavy blowback on social media last month after it said in a blog post that it was considering taking legal action against the security researcher. The company later clarified on Twitter/X that while it has no intention of pursuing legal actions against researchers, it would report them to authorities if they break the law. The advisories for CVE-2026-49160 and CVE-2026-50507 do not credit any researchers in the acknowledgement section, saying only that “Microsoft recognizes the efforts of those in the security community who help us protect customers through coordinated vulnerability disclosure.”
Nightmare Eclipse claims to be a former employee of Microsoft, although Microsoft has not responded to questions about this claim. Rapid7 notes that a recent blog post by Nightmare Eclipse included an image of Albert Wesker, a character from the Resident Evil video game series who formerly worked as a researcher for a technology company before going rogue.
Nightmare Eclipse has pledged to release even more zero-day exploits for Windows in what they called a “bone shattering” drop planned for July 14 (the same day as next month’s Patch Tuesday). Immediately following the release of Microsoft patches today, the researcher published an exploit for what they claimed was a zero-day bug in Windows Defender.
While 200 vulnerabilities may be a record for Patch Tuesday, the actual number of security flaws Microsoft addressed this month is far higher, said Rapid7’s Adam Barnett.
“So far this month, Microsoft has provided patches to address 360 browser vulnerabilities, which is an order of magnitude more than has been typical in any given month over the past few years,” Barnett wrote. “As usual, browser [flaws] are not included in the Patch Tuesday count above. Indeed, the vast, and presumably sustained, uptick in the number of browser vulnerabilities has led to Microsoft no longer enumerating Chromium CVEs in the Security Update Guide.”
Microsoft also patched a zero-day vulnerability in Visual Studio Code that allows attackers to steal GitHub tokens with a single click. The company was forced to push a stopgap fix for the flaw on June 3, after a researcher published instructions showing how to exploit it. The researcher said they opted not to work with Microsoft because of a recent experience wherein Redmond silently patched a flaw they reported without offering credit or recognition.
Microsoft battled its own internal zero-day emergencies last week, after at least 72 of the company’s public code repositories were infected with a variant of the Shai-Hulud worm. Researchers found that all of the affected packages were connected to Microsoft official Azure Durable Task SDK, which got hit by the same Shai-Hulud worm in May.
Other major software makers are also shipping outsized update bundles this month. Adobe has released updates to fix a massive number of critical vulnerabilities across a range of products, including Adobe Experience Manager, Acrobat Reader and Cold Fusion. On June 3, Google resolved a whopping 429 vulnerabilities in its latest Chrome browser update (Chrome automatically downloads updates but installing them usually requires a complete restart of the browser).
As ever, please consider backing up your data before applying operating system updates, and drop a note in the comments if you run into any problems with this month’s patches.
Further reading:
Microsoft’s Security Update Guide
En réponse à Gregnalex.
Je suis preneur aussi…. Je cherche une solution alternative….
Je lis ces Khryspresso chaque semaine depuis des années, il était temps de prendre quelques secondes pour vous remercier de cet énorme travail de veille.
Bonjour à vous et merci pour votre travail.
[Edit] ma question ne semble plus pertinente: je me suis rendu compte qu’en choisissant d’aller sur la page du sondage (et non celle d’admin), je peux voir les résultats des votes groupés.
Par contre n’est-ce pas la page que verront aussi les votants (ce n’est pas souhaité qu’ils voient les résultats….) ?
____________
Utilisateur de longue date, j’ai créé un sondage classique avec Framadate Beta et j’ai modifié les réglages afin que seul l’administrateur puisse voir les votes.
Je m’attendais à pouvoir voir tous les votes d’un coup, comme sur un sondage dont les résultats sont accessibles aux votants. Cependant je ne vois que la liste des personnes ayant déjà voté et je suis obligé d’ouvrir chaque vote en cliquant sur “modifier” afin de voir chaque résultat ….
N’est-il pas possible dans ce cas (seul l’admin peut voir les votes) de voir un tableau avec tous les votes sans devoir les ouvrir un après l’autre, ce qui est laborieux?
Matériel: iPad Pro et iPhone avec dernières mises à jour
Merci d’avance pour vos réponses!
6 messages - 2 participant(e)s
Security is not a point-in-time exercise. It’s a cycle of testing, fixing, and starting over. Organisations that treat it as anything less quickly fall behind.
In the last decade, we’ve seen how offensive security practices such as penetration testing, combined with follow-up patching and mitigation strategies, have significantly strengthened defences. For instance, Active Directory hardening, EDR solutions, and endpoint security have evolved considerably thanks to insights from attack simulations.
Repeated internal testing followed by corrective actions will help reduce misconfigurations, close or reduce privilege gaps, and ultimately shrink the overall attack surface. A positive outcome of defensive maturity is that attackers often now have to spend more effort to execute a successful attack.
Modern Attackers Have an Easy Entry
Many significant attacks in 2025 didn’t rely on basic exploit methods alone to reach their end goal. Multiple techniques, including social engineering, MFA fatigue, misconfigured cloud services, token abuse, and trusted third-party access were also used to enable lateral movement.
For instance, Salesforce suffered a breach related to SalesLoft-Drift SaaS, now considered the largest SaaS supply chain breach in history. ShinyHunters/UNC6395, started with the exploitation of a vulnerability in an integration point between Drift and Salesforce. Once inside, attackers were able to get oAuth tokens and refresh tokens for hundreds of companies globally.
And, an attack against Marks & Spencer was one of a number of attacks on major UK retail outlets. The attack happened when malefactors used social engineering tactics and compromised third-party access to trick the retailer’s service desk employees into resetting their own user ID and password for the company’s internal systems.
As attackers evolve to incorporate varying techniques to reach their end goal, the security industry must continue to do the same.
Real Attackers Don’t Respect Security Silos
Whether mass exploitation or a targeted attack, the bad guys are often patient, taking their time to understand the victim’s environment before trying to break in. Stronger defences have the ability to delay or even thwart these attempts, many of which exist because offensive security exposed where defences were weakest, pointing out how attackers might get in, where their controls could fail, and how small issues together can add up to major risks.
Because offensive security is an ecosystem rather than a single activity, network, cloud, identity, and email attack paths all intersect. If you only test one of these environments in isolation, then you are missing how real attacks happen. A mature offensive security programme reflects this reality by using tooling and expertise to test across environmental and stage-level attacks.
As a result, an organisation’s offensive security suite should consist of a full-scale array of tools and services that help companies conduct proactive assessments of their defensive posture. This is tested using several methods including penetration testing, Red Team engagements, and Adversary Simulation to identify vulnerabilities, verify controls, and enhance an entity’s security posture.
We also now have tools and techniques to simulate AI-assisted attacks, targeted cloud abuse, and advanced phishing scenarios that conventional defences cannot stop. These capabilities extend and augment penetration testing and red teaming by helping teams test situations that were onerous or time-consuming to recreate a few years ago.
Change as the Main Goal of Testing
Offensive security is often misunderstood as purely a vulnerability-finding exercise. In practice, its value lies in context.
Penetration testing and adversary simulation provide real-world evidence of how vulnerabilities can impact a company’s overall resilience by showing whether segmentation can prevent an attacker from moving around the network, whether endpoint controls will slow them down, and whether or not the alerts will get to the right person at the right time. The insights from these tests can directly influence changes to network architectures, configurations for endpoints, and identity strategies.
Testing is only valuable as offensive security though if the results are used to create actionable recommendations that result in actual change. These fixes must, in turn, be tested to ensure they are effective. This very feedback loop converts testing into a resilient process.
A Human – Machine Balance
Today’s adversaries use a combination of automation and human insight. Examples of this include using AI to create phishing content, automated scanning and reconnaissance techniques, as well as scripted methods to exploit vulnerabilities. All of these are coordinated and controlled by a person who can assess and adjust the course if one method fails.
This is why defenders must operate similarly.
Most modern attacks are successful due to human factors. A hasty decision, a missed configuration change, or a patch applied too late. Offensive security has strengthened technical controls to the point that people are now the simplest way into a business.
This means there needs to be a balance between automation and human intelligence. Automation can provide rapid scale and consistency, while human expertise provides intuitive reasoning, creative problem solving, and a level of critical thinking and judgment.
Effective offensive security programmes will always use automation to rapidly evaluate large volumes of data and identify potential vulnerabilities and areas of risk and will use human expertise to analyse and understand the results from these evaluations, examine the edge cases, and see through the eyes of a bad actor.
Closing the Loop
Offensive security doesn’t work on its own. It should be part of the defence-in-depth strategy together with security awareness and detection and response.
Threat intelligence proves priority. Knowing that a vulnerability has been identified is helpful, but realising it’s being exploited changes priority. Training employees limits repeated exposures to common attack vectors, while an automated response facilitates immediate actions when required.
Organisations that use offensive security demonstrate maturity and improve their overall security posture by integrating these solutions into their broader security operations and shifting from being reactive to continuously improving.
So, Is Offensive Security Keeping Pace?
Yes, but again, not all by itself.
Offensive security has matured substantially. Threat actors are using more sophisticated and realistic tactics, tools have improved in capability, and the insights these solutions provide are more actionable than ever.
Properly implemented, it can keep pace with attackers as they hone their craft. There is no silver bullet, so the solutions that gain your trust will be those that can be incorporated into a disciplined process of testing, learning, and adapting.
Offensive security is most effective when used from the outset, as a catalyst that leads to better decision-making, more effective controls, and quicker responses.
The post Is Offensive Security Keeping Up with the Latest Cyber Attacks? appeared first on IT Security Guru.
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A white Ford pickup truck broke through a thick curtain of fog one morning in February, winding its way down a muddy farm road in California’s Central Valley. From it emerged a 64-year-old dairyman, burly and tan, who left the engine running as he lumbered toward me with open arms.
“You must be Mark,” I said, warning him I wasn’t one for hugging.
“I’m a hugger,” he said, pulling me in anyway. “I feel like I’ve known you for a lifetime.”
I had spent the past couple of weeks corresponding with Raw Farm founder Mark McAfee, who’d filled my inbox with messages and PowerPoints extolling the virtues of his most important, and controversial, product:
It is delicious.
It makes you feel good (the gut-brain serotonin and dopamine cycle).
It’s great for asthma and literally saves lives.
He was talking about raw milk, which, if you trust 150 years of bedrock science, offers little reason to consume. By definition, it has not been pasteurized, the simple process of heating milk to kill off harmful bacteria. Before the practice was widely adopted a century ago, thousands of babies died each year from illnesses linked to contaminated dairy. Today, most scientists and health experts agree that raw milk has no significant, proven nutritional benefits over its sanitized counterpart, cannot treat or cure disease and subjects its consumers to over 100 times the risk of foodborne illness, which can be especially dangerous for young children.
And yet, McAfee’s farm, the largest raw-milk dairy in the country, is pulling in about $30 million a year, meeting a growing demand from customers who say they want food that hasn’t been robbed of health benefits by industrial processing. Once drawing a fringe crowd, raw milk has been thrust into the mainstream in recent years by a potent mix of politics, wellness culture and a wave of suspicion that health institutions have been compromised by Big Pharma and Big Food. Its proponents have turned it into a symbol of freedom and defiance. More than 10 million Americans now drink it; national weekly sales rose by 65% from 2023 to 2024 alone.
Raw milk’s success confounded me: How had it gained such a foothold in this country, despite regular outbreaks of salmonella and E. coli, and even the discovery of bird flu in Raw Farm’s milk? More pressing still, what was the government doing to protect the public amid demands for products that scientists warn are risky, even deadly? Speaking with McAfee seemed like a good place to start; federal and state regulators had linked his business to more than a dozen recalls and outbreaks that had left hundreds of people ill.
“I’ve put a couple kids in the hospital, and they have been sick, but they recovered,” McAfee acknowledged before my visit. “But here’s the thing: I’m a pioneer. And I’m going against the grain here. I’m climbing a mountain they say you can’t climb.”
McAfee isn’t any ordinary farmer. He is a raw-milk zealot who has escaped serious sanctions despite two decades of skirmishes with the Food and Drug Administration and the Department of Justice, which have repeatedly accused him of breaking federal laws and regulations. The Biden administration was on the verge of a crackdown against his farm when President Donald Trump assumed office and turned over leadership of the nation’s health agencies to one of McAfee’s most notable customers.
The year before he was confirmed as the secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services, Robert F. Kennedy Jr. ran for president, using his campaign platform to decry the government’s “aggressive suppression” of raw milk. In his new role, he said he was “advocating” for it and celebrated the release of a federal report to Make America Healthy Again with a toast of raw-milk shooters in the White House.
For his part, McAfee isn’t just selling Kennedy’s favored milk. He is selling the notion that his dairy products are safe and healthy — for you, your kids, your grandparents — because his farm thoroughly screens its milk for bacteria.
“They think we’re some kind of a fringe, weird trend, and we are dead serious here,” McAfee said after he greeted me at his farm, which he runs with his adult son and daughter, 20 miles southwest of Fresno. “And you’ll see that in what we’re doing today.”
He led me into a cream-colored bungalow he called his pathogen laboratory, where two workers in lab coats prepared milk samples.
The farm screens each batch for four types of bacteria: salmonella, E. coli, campylobacter and listeria, all of which thrive in the intestines of cattle and can contaminate milk through microscopic flecks of infected feces. The microbes can cause a constellation of symptoms in humans, from vomiting and diarrhea to sepsis, kidney failure and even death.
“We catch these things and divert the milk immediately,” McAfee said of the pathogens.
I assumed that after diverting batches, the farm discarded them.
Later that day, I learned otherwise.
“We have a red-flag system here, where if there’s anything that gets really out of whack, they can immediately tag the milk, and it doesn’t go to anything but cheese,” McAfee told me. “Because, you know, cheese is resistant to pathogens.”
Research has shown that raw cheese is not, in fact, resistant to pathogens; while aging can mitigate some risk, harmful bacteria can still survive the usual 60-day maturation process.
Hearing about the practice took me by surprise — the farm did what with that milk? — so I asked about it again.
McAfee confirmed that milk with pathogens was used to make cheese, except for batches with salmonella, which he said were dumped or sent out for pasteurization. (I later learned the FDA knew he was doing this and had told him to stop two years ago. But no one had alerted the public.)
“Our cheese is just wildly successful across America,” McAfee said, noting it was sold in hundreds of stores from natural food shops to chains like Sprouts Farmers Market. “H-E-B down in Texas sells 50,000 bucks a week.”
I wondered how long it might take for the cheese to be linked to another outbreak.
Unbeknownst to me, one was already underway.
In the early 2000s, McAfee was producing pasteurized milk for the dairy group Organic Valley when a raw-milk enthusiast named James Stewart made an unusual request.
Stewart had founded a private food club in Venice, Los Angeles. Its members included movie stars, “crystal worshippers” and other “fanatical people,” McAfee recalled. They were looking for a steady source of raw milk at a time when consumers were waking up to the risks of food contaminated by additives, fertilizers and pesticides.
“How fast can you drive down here with as much milk as you can?” McAfee recalled Stewart asking.
McAfee, not fully grasping why people would want to drink milk that was unpasteurized, nonetheless went to his silo, filled half-gallon containers and packed them in ice chests. Then, with his wife, he made the long drive south to the L.A. coast.
Dozens of people were waiting for them, McAfee said, launching into a scene that unfolded with a Hollywood sheen. “I couldn’t even get out of the car,” he said. “They’re beating on the windows and opening up the back. … Just mayhem, cheering, excitement, crying.”
As their $20 bills started flying at him, so did their stories, about how raw milk had healed their health issues, including asthma. The moment transformed him, he said: He realized that he was selling more than just milk — it was “food as medicine.”
Twenty-odd years later, Stewart, too, recalls the moment. “I saw the light go off in his head,” Stewart told me. “He was looking for a way to expand what he was doing and not just be a commercial, pasteurized, homogenized milk provider.”
McAfee, a third-generation California farmer, was born into a family that had charted an unconventional course. His father, whom McAfee described as both a humanitarian and a rebel, founded multiple farm cooperatives and made national news in 1972, when he helped post bail for activist Angela Davis by putting his land up as collateral.
McAfee didn’t initially follow in his father’s footsteps. He worked for 16 years as a paramedic before taking the helm of family farmland that his grandparents left behind. The farm grew apples, almonds and alfalfa, and, by 2001, McAfee had expanded into commercial dairy. But his days of producing milk for pasteurization were short-lived; within a few months of meeting Stewart, McAfee converted his dairy to sell only raw milk.
He entered a market on the verge of extraordinary growth.
California had always permitted raw milk to be sold in stores, but Los Angeles County’s more stringent rules had, in effect, curbed its retail sales. In 2001, food-freedom advocates, including Stewart, successfully petitioned the county to weaken regulations, providing McAfee access to a new pool of customers. That would happen again and again, in state and local governments across America, as the internet, and then social media influencers, drew exponentially more people to the cause.
Around the time McAfee converted his dairy to raw milk, only 27 states allowed its sale.
In one way or another, nearly all of them ultimately would.
A consumer could buy raw milk:
One thing stood between McAfee and all of that business: a federal regulation restricting the sale of raw milk from one state to another. The 1987 ban had the effect of keeping outbreaks contained, making it easier for local officials to address them.
But there was a loophole: Raw milk could be sold across state lines if labeled as pet food.
McAfee saw an opportunity, and he wasn’t subtle about it on the website for his farm, which at the time was called Organic Pastures. The farm “creatively labeled its products for sale outside of California in such a way that it is not illegal,” the site said, and it assured people they could still consume them. Justifying the strategy to an Oregon newspaper, McAfee said in 2005, “I am a revolutionist in this, and I won’t overlook any loophole that will get the milk out there.”
As his raw dairy grew, McAfee portrayed himself as an underdog waging a war against industrialized food. “The giants of the marketplace have processed our food to death to extend shelf life and expand distribution,” he said in a 2006 interview. “The raw milk revolution grows right out of this disorder.”
Two decades later, he still talks about raw milk with the passion of a convert. He answered even simple questions with lengthy explanations, speaking in a quick, torrential style and snapping his fingers or pinching the air for emphasis. Only later did I realize that much of what sounded spontaneous was a pitch he had been refining in years of promotional interviews and farm tours.
McAfee has professed the benefits of unpasteurized milk in public libraries and chiropractor offices. Raw dairy, his farm has claimed, could cure, treat or prevent myriad diseases and ailments, from diabetes and ear infections to allergies, eczema and arthritis. The farm developed the website icanbreathe.org to promote the so-called Milk Cure for asthma. “Only raw milk works in this natural treatment,” the dairy stated. “Pasteurizing milk kills or changes the natural enzymes, antibodies, and fatty acids that are critical to the physiology of how this works in your body.”
McAfee founded a nonprofit, Raw Milk Institute, in 2011, broadcasting similar claims alongside studies he said support them. While a few European studies he cited observed a correlation between drinking raw milk and lower rates of asthma and allergies, they did not prove raw milk directly led to reduced illness, nor did they recommend its consumption due to pathogenic risk. Experts have suggested the association could likely be explained by the “farm effect,” in which children growing up around animals and agriculture have been shown to have stronger immune systems.
Exhaustive reviews of the published science on raw milk have broadly been unable to substantiate claims of its benefits, and most experts agree that it is neither healthy nor safe to consume. But McAfee said his customers know better. To him, the stories of families who believe raw milk has transformed their health are their own form of evidence, revealing truths that institutions have failed to capture. “If raw milk was a fad or a lie, then why would people repeatedly buy raw milk and then tell the world how they love it,” he said. “Our consumers read their gut and watch their kids thrive.”
He also said the government hasn’t invested enough in research to assess its benefits.
“I’m begging you to say: ‘This is not anti-science, this is extremely pro-science,’” he told me. “It’s using science that is not conveniently accepted yet.”
And for many health-conscious people, this possibility that raw milk may help them — or their loved ones — is often enough for them to try it.
Mary McGonigle-Martin was shopping in a Southern California grocery store in 2006 when she spotted ads suggesting McAfee’s milk could treat allergies and digestive problems. She thought of her 7-year-old son, Chris, who she suspected was dealing with dairy sensitivity, and later visited McAfee’s website to learn more. She knew the risks of forgoing pasteurization, but the site eased her concerns: It said the farm tested its milk and had never found a single pathogen.
So she started buying it, and her son started drinking it. And about a month later, he fell gravely ill. What began as a trip to the nearest hospital for bloody diarrhea turned into a race to save his life as his kidneys started to fail. Airlifted to a children’s hospital in Loma Linda, Chris was put in a medically induced coma. He spent nine days on a ventilator and 18 days on dialysis, during which time doctors gave him blood, platelet and plasma transfusions. “He was on the verge of death,” Martin told me. “I had flashes of him being in a casket and being at his funeral.”
Chris had a dangerous strain of E. coli, known as O157:H7, which led to hemolytic uremic syndrome. This rare condition, which mostly impacts children, occurs when bacterial toxins spread throughout the body and damage red blood cells, causing clots in the organs, primarily the kidneys. With quick intervention, most people survive. But it can cause lifelong complications.
While sitting in the intensive care unit, Martin overheard another mother mention her daughter had the same condition. It turned out the young girl had also drank milk from McAfee’s farm. Hoping to intervene before others got sick, the families reported the illnesses to the dairy and the state, which quickly issued a recall and quarantine order, suspending distribution of the farm’s products.
McAfee told me that when he learned of the two sick children, he “wanted to know the truth.” So he took his wife’s Volvo and drove four hours to the hospital. Then, somehow, he found a way into the ICU. “I knew how to get back past security,” he said. “A paramedic can get anywhere, and I sucked up to the nurses.”
Martin told me she was surprised when McAfee introduced himself in the waiting area, but nonetheless she shared details of her son’s ordeal. “I listened to her as compassionately as I could,” McAfee told me. But in his recollection, he observed that Martin’s son was not as critically ill as he’d been led to believe. “He’s eating McDonald’s, watching cartoons, doing just great, and they’re telling the story to the world that he’s ready to die,” claimed McAfee. “I was really upset about that.”
McAfee’s version of events was impossible, Martin told me: When he appeared at the hospital, Chris had just been taken off the ventilator and still struggled to breathe on his own; reams of her contemporaneous notes confirm this. Even after being extubated, he couldn’t have solid food for weeks due to severe pancreatitis. “I was so hungry,” Chris told me. “I started crying because I couldn’t eat.”
When I asked Martin why she thought McAfee gave such a different account of their meeting, her response was simple: “Mark is the master of spin.” (McAfee maintained that his recollection was accurate: “This is not spinning; this is simple truth.”)
Six people contracted E. coli during the first outbreak connected to McAfee’s farm, according to federal regulators; their median age was 8. While the outbreak’s specific strain of E. coli was not found in the products, some samples taken by investigators had high bacterial counts, indicating contamination.
Chris suffered permanent kidney damage. Now 27, he can’t drink alcohol and will spend the rest of his life under a nephrologist’s care because of his elevated risk of chronic kidney disease.
The illness lingered in other ways, too. “I would have random flashbacks and panic attacks from anything,” he told me. The smell of hospital soap. The sticky feeling of Band-Aids or tape on his skin. His mother found him a trauma counselor, which was “life-changing,” he said, except he still held onto a knot of resentment. Not toward his parents; he views them as victims like him. “Just so much anger towards Mark,” he recently told me. When he later saw McAfee’s milk being sold at a Sprouts, “I wanted to take a bat and smash the entire aisle.”
Martin couldn’t let go either. She hired Bill Marler, a Seattle attorney who specializes in food safety litigation. Alongside the family she met in the hospital, she sued McAfee’s farm in 2008, and the dairy settled for an undisclosed sum. “They couldn’t find the pathogen in our milk,” McAfee told me. “She claims she had it in her milk with her child, and that’s what the insurance company took to settle, and we weren’t going to litigate it.”
Emboldened, Martin, who was a high school guidance counselor, found her second calling as a food safety advocate, testifying against raw-milk-access bills across the country.
Following the settlement, McAfee wrote to Martin to apologize, but also begged her to move on.
“Mary, please appreciate that so many children thrive and grow very strong on raw milk,” he wrote. “The very remote theoretical risk of illness from tested, retail, approved raw milk is far outweighed by the health and recovery from the illness that children that drink raw milk enjoy.”
Martin appreciated the note, but recognized that even in his seemingly heartfelt apology, McAfee could not adapt his belief system to fit her experience. “He really believed this was like a fluke. It’s not going to happen again,” she said.
Eager to keep showing me his farm’s serious approach to pathogens, McAfee ushered me into his truck to see the milking of his cows. Raw Farm keeps about 1,400 of them, which produce up to 8,000 gallons a day, each priced at $19. The smell of sweet milk hung in the air, mixed with the earthy musk of manure.
“We’ll see what kind of music they’re playing this morning up in the milk barn,” he mused.
“You play music for the milking?” I asked.
“Mexican music,” he said, as he got behind the wheel. “It’s very Pavlovian. … You start seeing milk coming out of their teats.”
In the open-sided barn, workers sprayed a small herd of cows with a fire hose, removing flies and flecks of manure from their bellies, which were then inspected, coated with iodine and wiped with a towel. The steady pulsing of milking machines mingled with a thumping musical beat as McAfee marched down the rows, pointing to their light pink udders. “Super clean,” he said with pride.
Hygiene appeared to be a clear priority everywhere we went, from the thick binders of safety plans — “not one of those documents collects dust,” he told me — to the sterile, full-body moon suits workers wear to package milk.
McAfee said the 2006 outbreak opened his eyes to the risk of his product and was part of the reason he developed standards for unpasteurized dairies.
But more awareness and better practices didn’t stop McAfee’s customers from continuing to get sick — in 2007, and 2011, and 2012, and 2016 — and the farm had to issue recalls more than half a dozen times after pathogens were found in its products.
And then between 2023 and 2024, regulators linked the farm to one of the largest publicly known raw-dairy outbreaks in decades, with more than 170 people falling ill from salmonella. McAfee disputed his farm’s connection to many of the outbreaks, including this one.
“I call complete crap,” McAfee said, claiming that his farm was not responsible for all the cases. “It was 25, maybe 30.” He also disagreed that the majority of patients were children, as the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention had detailed in a report published last year. “I challenge that data at the fundamental level.”
It was a typical McAfee defense. Throughout our conversation, he never lost his composure, even when discussing outbreaks. Instead, he calmly dismissed the government’s methodology, explaining that it was counting cases of “standard diarrhea,” which he said have “no claims for illness,” as they could be managed with “good hydration and plenty of good bone broths and electrolytes and stuff.”
He also seized on instances when the government could not identify an outbreak strain in his products, but instead found it in samples of farm water and cow feces or drew ties to his farm using genetic sequencing or interviews with patients — practices epidemiologists routinely rely upon. McAfee held that none of this was smoking-gun proof that his farm directly caused outbreaks. Instead, such episodes seemed to reinforce his perception that he was climbing a mountain alone, battling institutions that were already biased against raw milk before hearing his case.
When mandated quarantines ended, he would declare victory.
After his dairy reopened following an outbreak that sickened five children in 2011, he revealed how much people were suffering without his product in a celebratory video. McAfee shook the hand of a young man who was wearing a sideways cap. “This guy came all the way from Alaska to get raw milk!” McAfee said. The young man described a kind of withdrawal: “My immune system broke down. I lost a lot of lean body mass.” When a gray-haired woman said she was driving four half-gallons to her grandbabies in Texas — “that’s how desperate I am for them to be healthy” — McAfee kissed her on the head and called her a “raw-milk freedom rider.”
At least 233 people have been sickened in eight outbreaks that federal and state regulators have connected to McAfee’s farm since 2006, and at least 40 of them have been hospitalized.
The tally is almost certainly an undercount, experts and regulators told me. Many recover at home from foodborne illness and do not seek out testing.
Federal and state regulators have linked 233 outbreak cases to Organic Pastures or Raw Farm. The true number of cases is likely higher.
The outbreaks raised an obvious question: Why hadn’t regulators shut down the farm? America’s food safety system aims to balance public health with people’s freedom to eat foods that can harm them, like raw oysters and sushi. Regulators expect some will inevitably get sick, and so they focus on ensuring consumers, at the very least, are aware of the risk.
State regulators are responsible for overseeing raw milk sold legally within their borders. In California, they require it to be sampled and tested monthly for pathogens. Raw Farm is in good standing, according to the Department of Food and Agriculture, consistently meeting standards for sanitation and cow health. But spokespeople for that agency and the state Department of Public Health emphasized that the best way to prevent illness is to drink milk that has been pasteurized. Otherwise, they wrote in an email, “there will always be some risk of contamination.”
Many people who turn to raw milk don’t have a full understanding of that risk, John Lucey told me. A professor of food science who directs the Center for Dairy Research at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, Lucey grew up on a farm and has studied dairy products for three decades. “Cows poop all the time,” he said. “Farms are just a reservoir of bacteria: The soil has got bacteria, the walls have got bacteria, the cows are carrying bacteria.”
One of the draws of raw milk is a deeper connection to its source; by knowing a farmer personally, people assume their food will be more safe, Lucey said. But what raw-milk consumers often don’t realize is that many dairy farmers are in a relentless battle to produce clean milk.
“Sometimes you lose because the cow kicked off the milking machine. Something just happens,” he said. “Farmers do the best they can and they are super hardworking people, but just because Daisy is a nice cow and the farmer is a nice guy doesn’t guarantee that things are sanitary and that they can prevent things 100% of the time.”
Over the past two years alone, nine states have experienced outbreaks that regulators linked to raw dairy, not including those connected to McAfee’s farm. In Washington state, about 10 people fell ill with E. coli connected to raw-cheese consumption, and in Florida, where raw milk can be sold only as pet food, about 20 people got sick. Among them was a pregnant mother whose toddler was hospitalized; she said she caught his bacterial infection and had a miscarriage at 20 weeks. (The Florida farm said its products had not tested positive for pathogens and that it informed customers its raw milk was not for human consumption; the Washington creamery voluntarily recalled its cheese.)
Just last week, Idaho’s health officials announced that nearly 60 people had become ill after consuming raw milk.
Discussing the risk of raw milk with McAfee was a challenge.
As we rode in his truck to the next stop on the tour, I brought up the prevalence of pathogens, as well as his farm’s pattern of outbreaks. He acknowledged that some risk exists, but stressed that it was “very, very, very small” and was “fantastically” outweighed by raw milk’s therapeutic value. And then, he insisted one should disentangle the benefits from the risk, as if that’s even possible.
“Show me the criticism of raw milk if it’s safe,” he told me, one hand on the wheel, the other punctuating his points in the air. “None.”
“Well, the critics would argue that there’s risk—”
“No, if it’s safe,” he said, cutting me off. “If it’s safe, how could you criticize it?”
“But they would argue that it’s not safe,” I said.
“Show me the risk,” he repeated. “I’ve yet to see it. We found it. We immediately diverted it.”
We’d seen nearly every stage of production — from “grass to glass,” as McAfee called it — when he parked his truck next to the hangar that houses his Cessna 210 Centurion propeller plane. Next to it, steps from his hacienda-style home, is a bungalow he uses as an office.
He showed me his replica medieval broadsword, his podcasting setup and one of his favored books, Sun Tzu’s “The Art of War.” He said the ancient Chinese military treatise had informed his longstanding feud with the federal government.
Two decades ago, his use of the pet food loophole to ship across state lines attracted scrutiny almost immediately. In 2005, an undercover investigator from the FDA called the farm and was told the milk was safe for human consumption. Two years later, according to court records, the farm sent an email to consumers saying, “Raw milk can be shipped via UPS to all US states,” and “Tell everyone who has asthma that they will be cured by raw milk.”
In 2008, the DOJ pursued criminal charges and a civil suit. McAfee resolved the charges, promising that the farm wouldn’t sell raw milk across state lines again. But prosecutors wanted a court order that would force McAfee and the farm to comply, citing their “unabashed efforts to manipulate the law.”
To illustrate McAfee’s ongoing defiance, the government pointed to statements he had made online that year and the next. In one post on a blog, he said, “If we ever get raided it will be grand theater. … There will probably be some riots.” In another, he said he would not use guns “until the tipping point” and mentioned “another Wounded Knee, Ruby Ridge or Waco.” Prosecutors argued his conduct demonstrated a “cognizable danger” that he would violate the law again.
In 2010, the judge granted a permanent injunction, requiring, among other things, that the farm stop selling raw milk beyond California and take down any statements promoting its health benefits. McAfee told me the directive was an attack on his right to free speech. “I deeply and passionately believe in the truth, and they were telling me I could not speak the truth,” he said. “I’ve had to have therapy over that, you know. I didn’t want to do something stupid.”
A violation of the order could have led to an enforcement action, but in the years that followed, officials pulled their punches. (McAfee insisted they had no punches to throw.)
The FDA and the DOJ kept finding evidence of violations, in 2016, and 2019, and 2021, according to court records. Though federal prosecutors initially pushed for strong penalties, including holding Raw Farm and McAfee in contempt, they agreed to a consent decree in 2023, which required the farm to undergo independent audits to ensure it was complying with the law.
Then, in early 2024, FDA inspectors discovered the farm had a “standard practice” of producing cheese from milk suspected or known to contain pathogens, according to court documents; lab records showed its cheese had also tested positive even after the mandated aging period.
That February, federal regulators publicly linked Raw Farm’s cheese to a monthslong E. coli outbreak. Nearly a dozen people across five states fell ill.
Among them was Paul Panelli, who went to his grocery store in Newport Beach, California, looking for Tillamook cheese to make tacos. Finding it was sold out, he reached for Raw Farm’s cheddar, drawn in by packaging that made it seem organic and all-natural. He told me he didn’t realize the cheese was made with unpasteurized milk.
Both Panelli and his wife, Julie, came down with food poisoning. She was diagnosed with an E. coli infection that left her needing several kidney surgeries. “She literally is afraid to eat things,” her husband told me. The family’s lawsuit against Raw Farm is ongoing; in court records, the farm denied responsibility for their illnesses.
Raw Farm pushed back against the government, maintaining that it followed federal regulations by aging its cheese and claiming to have tested all of it before sale, so no contaminated product reached the market, according to court records. Federal law allows the interstate sale of unpasteurized cheese as long as it’s aged for at least 60 days, though this doesn’t fully eliminate the risk — or account for a farm using pathogenic milk to make it. The FDA told the farm to destroy any cheese made with contaminated milk, arguing that it was violating the law, according to court documents. The farm’s lawyer said it was in compliance, and insisted there was no “bad cheese” to throw out.
To force the farm to follow the government’s orders, it needed a judge’s ruling, but a backlog in the under-resourced Eastern District of California left the case on pause well into 2025. The arrival of the Trump administration that year created a political opening for McAfee.
By the time Kennedy took the helm of the health department, McAfee had already developed close ties to his inner circle. “I go way back with him,” McAfee told me. Kennedy’s running mate, Nicole Shanahan, had made a stop at Raw Farm during his presidential campaign, creating multiple videos featuring McAfee. (She did not respond to my emailed questions.) He was even asked to become an adviser to the FDA, McAfee told me. The position never materialized, but McAfee still benefited from the change in administration.
Without publicly stating a reason, this past January the government dropped its efforts to take action against the farm. A former federal employee with knowledge of the suit told me that cases involving raw milk were deprioritized in the new administration because of Kennedy’s stance on it.
Natalie Baldassarre, a DOJ spokesperson, didn’t respond to my questions about the decision, but said in an email that the administration will “always be concerned about risks to public health and will continue to take enforcement action as appropriate to protect American consumers.” The health department and the FDA did not respond to my attempts to seek comment. Kennedy, through his department, also did not respond to my questions.
McAfee called the withdrawal a “big win.” Drawing on Sun Tzu’s teachings, he told me that he had learned not to engage in “their war,” but his own.
“You win the war they don’t expect you to fight,” he said. While officials were gathering evidence, he was focused on the “education” of consumers. He once delivered his message to dozens at a time. Now online influencers spread it to audiences of millions. “They have the guns and the money,” he said of the government. “I got the truth and the moms.”
His work could soon pay off. A month after I shook McAfee’s hand and left his farm, Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky., and Rep. Chellie Pingree, D-Maine, reintroduced the Interstate Milk Freedom Act, which would prohibit “federal interference” with the interstate sale of raw dairy in states where raw milk is already legal.
Massie, who served raw milk at his recent wedding, has a farm with 50 cattle, and Pingree, a former dairy farmer and the only Democratic sponsor of the bill, raises her own grass-fed beef. “The Interstate Milk Freedom Act would make it easier for families to buy the milk of their choice,” Massie said when he announced the bill, “by reversing the criminalization of specific dairy farmers.”
When asked if she was concerned the bill may increase access to a product that puts people at risk, Pingree told me that the bill was not about marketing raw milk or making any health claims. “I trust state departments of agriculture and health to monitor compliance, assess health risks, and enforce the rules in place to protect consumers,” she said in an emailed statement. Massie did not respond to my questions.
Six weeks after I left Raw Farm, it happened.
On March 15, federal regulators publicly linked its cheese to yet another E. coli outbreak.
Nine people were infected across three states; more than half were younger than 5. Of the three people who had to be hospitalized, according to regulators, one developed the same severe kidney condition that Martin’s son had battled two decades earlier.
Initially, federal health agencies didn’t urge the public to avoid the cheese or throw it away, as they had under previous administrations. Instead, a CDC notice said consumers should “consider” not eating it; the FDA gave no consumption guidance at all. Three federal health employees later told me political appointees had watered down the original language. (The agencies’ advisories have since been updated. Neither the CDC nor the FDA responded to my questions.)
The fact that the agency was under Kennedy’s leadership didn’t make Raw Farm any more compliant when regulators asked it to recall its products. It refused. “If there was ever a question about whether there was a pathogen in our products,” McAfee later told me, “I’d be the first one to recall immediately, voluntarily.”
He said he texted Kennedy to “call off the dogs,” but got no response.
When FDA inspectors showed up unannounced at the farm, it complied with an investigation. And when the agency threatened to force a recall, the company reluctantly issued its own, 18 days after the outbreak was announced.
The farm appended several unusual statements to its April 2 advisory:
This Voluntary Recall is being performed under protest.
This Voluntary Recall is performed as a path forward.
The farm retracted those statements five days later, but continued to dispute the cause of the outbreak and contest the agency’s findings. It had tested its products, found no pathogens and wasn’t at fault, McAfee said.
However, during its investigation, the FDA also sampled and tested the company’s cheese. While it didn’t find the recent outbreak strain, one sample tested positive for E. coli. In their inspection, agency officials also found the farm’s cheese had recently tested presumptively positive for pathogens even after 60 days, showing the limitations of its aging process. The farm destroyed these contaminated batches.
I reached out to McAfee and asked him whether the illnesses might be connected to his practice of using problematic milk to make cheese. But now, he told a different story.
“We would in the past divert to cheesemaking,” he told me. “We no longer do.” He didn’t pinpoint exactly when the farm made the change, throwing out dates from two years ago to last summer. “It’s been quite some time.”
I brought up the fact that he’d made similar disclosures in podcasts in the last year and to me just weeks earlier. But he doubled down.
“I think you have caught me in something where there’s an issue between practice and what I’m saying,” he said. “If I said it, I believed that at the time to be true, but I do know that now we do not use any questionable milk.”
In almost the same breath, McAfee noted that his farm would not have violated any laws if it had done so. “It’s not illegal,” he said. “That’s why the FDA dropped their thing.” (California regulators told me such a practice was “concerning.” The FDA refused to respond to questions about it.)
Speaking to a congressional subcommittee on April 16 about the outbreak, Kennedy noted that companies usually comply with recalls right away. “But there was foot-dragging,” he said. “This company was intransigent.”
U.S. Rep. Rosa DeLauro, D-Conn., asked Kennedy whether in the face of these new, serious illnesses, it wasn’t time for a shift in his messaging: “You are the Secretary of Health and Human Services. Is there not some moral responsibility or compunction to say, ‘Don’t drink raw milk’?”
“Every product can contain contaminants,” Kennedy replied. “What we do is inform the public, and we let people make the choice.”
On April 30, the FDA closed its investigation without taking any enforcement action. McAfee told me his raw-cheese products were back in stores. Sprouts and H-E-B, two major retail chains that have carried his cheese, did not respond to my emailed questions about the outbreak.
“We don’t feel bad at all,” McAfee told me about the entire episode. “Our sales are highest they’ve ever been, and feedback online with influencers is: If the FDA says something, do the opposite. It’s safer. They don’t trust them at all.”
On a sunny weekend in early May, hundreds congregated at Raw Farm for its annual Camping With the Cows event. Blue skies extended to the horizon, and a small colony of tents, camper vans and motorhomes sprawled out across the lush alfalfa fields. Influencers in cowboy hats chugged cartons of milk. Matt James, the leading man on Season 25 of “The Bachelor,” ambled around with his mother in a T-shirt that read, “Raw Milk Club.”
Many attendees were unbothered by the recent illnesses. They said they consumed raw dairy because they wanted to reduce their inflammation, and avoid additives, and prevent lactose intolerance, and clear their skin, and bring their hormones into balance. They wanted nutrients that didn’t exist in “boiled to death” milk. They wanted to drink it “the natural way.”
Alyssa Wolfer, a 42-year-old mother of two from Bakersfield, viewed raw milk as a symbol of “true American freedom,” she said. “I very much lean on the side of freedom of people to choose what they consume and less regulation.”
“I’m seven months pregnant, and I drink raw milk because that’s how God has created it to be,” said Lindsay Espinoza, 34, reclining on a bale of hay with her husband and young son. “There’s so much fear behind raw milk, but it makes sense to us.”
Some, like 58-year-old Melanie Copeland from Huntington Beach, questioned whether the outbreak had occurred at all. “The odds of it being true are slim to none,” she said, “and people need to do their research.”
McAfee mingled among his flock. Some stopped him for pictures as he beamed down the camera and flashed a thumbs-up.
The post He Profits Off Raw Milk That’s Making People Sick. The Government Isn’t Stopping Him. appeared first on ProPublica.
Filigran has unveiled XTM One, an AI-native orchestration layer designed to automate Continuous Threat Exposure Management (CTEM) workflows, as organisations struggle to keep pace with growing volumes of threat intelligence, vulnerabilities and attack data.
The launch reflects a broader challenge facing security teams. While many organisations have invested heavily in threat intelligence, attack surface management and security validation tools, turning that information into meaningful action remains difficult. Security teams are often left moving manually between platforms to understand which threats matter, whether they are exploitable, and what remediation steps should be prioritised.
CTEM has emerged as one of the industry’s preferred frameworks for addressing that problem. Rather than relying on periodic assessments, CTEM aims to create a continuous cycle of discovery, prioritisation, validation and remediation that adapts as threats evolve. Filigran has been positioning its OpenCTI and OpenAEV platforms as key components of that approach, arguing that organisations need to move beyond simply identifying vulnerabilities and focus on understanding which exposures present genuine business risk.
XTM One sits above those platforms as an orchestration layer, coordinating AI agents across the CTEM lifecycle. The company says this allows security teams to automate tasks such as intelligence enrichment, threat reporting, attack scenario generation and remediation planning without constantly switching between tools.
“The volume of CVEs, threat actors, and attack campaigns has reached a scale no human team can process manually,” said Julien Richard, co-founder of Filigran. “XTM One is not AI as a feature. It is AI as the operating system for threat management. Security teams deserve automation that works the way they work.”
The announcement highlights how security vendors are increasingly moving beyond AI assistants and copilots towards more autonomous agent-based systems. Rather than helping analysts complete individual tasks, agentic approaches seek to coordinate entire workflows across multiple products and data sources.
According to Filigran, early users of its broader XTM Platform have achieved up to 70% faster threat detection and response cycles and reduced preparation time for offensive security testing by up to 80%.
Industry analysts suggest this kind of automation may become increasingly necessary as organisations adopt CTEM programmes at scale.
“As the scale of threats outpaces human capacity to respond to alerts, security teams are hitting a wall when they need to optimize remediation to mitigate security risk. The shift toward an agentic AI orchestration layer is needed for CTEM to help security teams scale,” says Melinda Marks, Cybersecurity Practice Director at Omdia. “By leveraging an open-source foundation to automate utilizing needed context for threat intelligence and remediation, Filigran is enabling the speed, transparency, and evidence-based risk reduction required to scale defenses at the pace of the adversary.”
A key aspect of the launch is flexibility around AI deployment. Organisations can use Filigran’s models or bring their own large language models through BYOLLM support, while on-premises deployment options are intended to address data sovereignty requirements in regulated industries and government environments.
The company also believes AI could help address one of the long-standing barriers to threat intelligence adoption: usability.
“The biggest barrier to threat intelligence adoption has always been complexity,” said Jean-Philippe Salles, VP of Product Management at Filigran. “XTM One makes advanced threat management accessible to more teams through natural language interaction. Junior analysts can become productive faster, while experienced practitioners gain automation that removes repetitive work.”
The launch comes as investors increasingly view CTEM and threat exposure management as one of cybersecurity’s next major growth categories, particularly as organisations seek more evidence-based ways to prioritise cyber risk.
“Filigran is redefining how organisations operationalise threat intelligence at scale,” says Karine Peters, Managing Director at T.Capital. “Their AI-native approach to extended threat management, combined with one of the strongest open-source communities in cybersecurity, positions them to lead a category that legacy vendors have struggled to modernise. That conviction is why we invested.”
Whether agentic AI becomes the catalyst that finally makes CTEM achievable for security teams remains to be seen. What is clear is that as threat volumes continue to rise, organisations are increasingly looking for ways to automate the journey from intelligence gathering to validated defensive action, rather than simply collecting more data.
The post Filigran uses AI agents to make CTEM practical for overstretched security teams appeared first on IT Security Guru.
Bonjour
je viens de créer un groupe de mail dans framagroup
il n’y a pas de modérateur, ni d’heure d’envoi, tous les abonnés peuvent envoyer des mails
dans thunderbird, à partir d’un mail d’abonné, j’envoie un mail eu groupe, il est bien envoyé, mais aucune réception
Cordialement
4 messages - 2 participant(e)s
In late November in Jamnagar, India, the scions of two of the most powerful families in the world stood face-to-face. On one side was 30-year-old Anant Ambani, son of one of the richest men in Asia. On the other was Donald Trump Jr. For months, the Trump administration had been on the offensive against the sprawling Ambani energy empire, placing it at the center of an escalating tariff campaign against India. But after Trump Jr. touched down, the two men toured the Ambanis’ private zoo, and at night they performed a Gujarati folk dance, grinning as they moved together to the music.
Four months later, an obscure Texas startup called America First Refining announced that it had received a nine-figure investment from the Ambanis’ company. The deal puzzled numerous energy investors familiar with the project, which aims to build the first major new oil refinery in the U.S. in about 50 years. The company is run by a serial entrepreneur with a history of bankruptcy and lawsuits alleging fraud. After more than a decade of failed attempts to raise money, blown deadlines and rebrands, it had been floundering.
America First Refining’s unexpected breakthrough came after it forged a previously unreported relationship with Trump Jr., who secretly acquired a stake in the startup, according to records and seven people familiar with the company. The new details reveal the role the president’s son has played in a theme of Trump’s second term: overseas investors with interests before the administration putting money into the Trump family’s business interests.
Over the past year and a half, Trump Jr. has amassed a fortune from stakes in companies ranging from crypto startups to a drone business to a firearms retailer. Some firms tied to the president’s son have received contracts or other support from the federal government, part of what critics describe as a run of Trump family self-dealing. In December, Forbes estimated that Trump Jr.’s net worth had rocketed from roughly $50 million to $300 million since the election. But the Forbes figures were based on the investments that have been publicly disclosed. The America First Refining episode suggests there is much about the family business that remains secret.
The size of Trump Jr.’s stake in America First Refining and what he paid for it remain unclear. Top executives at the startup have also said that they speak regularly with Trump Jr., according to a person close to the company. And after the Ambani investment was announced, Trump Jr.’s personal lawyer took credit on social media for playing a part in the deal.
America First Refining has flexed its Trump Jr. connections during pitch meetings with foreign officials. Early last year, Trump Jr. joined the company’s leadership for a meeting in South Florida with potential investors from Saudi Arabia, according to two people familiar with the matter. Another foreign government official pitched on the project told ProPublica that the company’s team emphasized they had backing from the Trump family and suggested that an investment would help with White House access.
The Ambanis’ investment coincided with the family’s securing major U.S. policy wins that their company, Reliance Industries, had been lobbying for. “Reliance Goes From Trump Foe to Friend With Refinery Pledge,” ran the Bloomberg headline after the deal was announced. Reliance’s intent with the deal was to “smooth out” tensions between the U.S. and India, the outlet reported.
A Trump Jr. spokesperson said that Trump Jr. “has no operational involvement in AFR and is simply a passive minority investor in an American company that aligns with his worldview.”
“The entire premise of this story relating to Don is false,” the spokesperson said, adding, “Don does not interface with the Federal Government on behalf of any company that he invests in or advises.” ProPublica did not find evidence Trump Jr. was aware of refinery executives’ suggesting that an investment would help with White House access.
In response to detailed questions, a spokesperson for America First Refining said, “The claims in this story are false,” but declined to specify what they were referring to. The company’s CEO previously denied wrongdoing in the lawsuits against him reviewed by ProPublica, and the suits were either settled or dropped.
The Ambani family had long been cultivating its relationship with the Trumps. Reliance paid $10 million to the Trump Organization in 2024 as a “development fee” for a project in Mumbai, according to the president’s financial disclosure. (Despite the payment, Reliance has not yet announced a Trump project. Reliance told ProPublica that “the real estate project is real” and “remains under development.”) Ivanka Trump attended Anant Ambani’s wedding party in India that year, where guests were treated to a Rihanna concert. Anant’s father, Mukesh — who is worth an estimated $90 billion and lives in a 27-story home — came to Washington, D.C., for Trump’s second inauguration, posing with the president at a private reception.
At the Private Reception in Washington, Mrs. Nita and Mr. Mukesh Ambani extended their congratulations to President-Elect Mr. Donald Trump ahead of his inauguration.
— Reliance Industries Limited (@RIL_Updates) January 19, 2025
With a shared optimism for deeper India-US relations, they wished him a transformative term of leadership, paving… pic.twitter.com/XXm2Sj74vX
But by the summer of 2025, the family was under attack from the White House. Since Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, Reliance had reportedly made billions in profits by purchasing vast quantities of Russian oil at a discount. In August, as Trump grew frustrated with his administration’s struggles to bring the war to an end, the president doubled his tariffs on India to 50%. The move was explicitly designed to force companies like Reliance to stop buying Russian oil. White House trade adviser Peter Navarro publicly assailed “India’s politically connected energy titans” for “funding Putin’s war machine,” widely read as a reference to the Ambanis.
Amid this tension, Trump Jr. visited Anant Ambani on his November trip to India. At the end of the trip, Trump Jr.’s personal lawyer commented at a business conference in Miami: “I had a nice closing this morning with Don Trump Jr., who’s flying back from India today.” (The following week, the Texas startup — then called Element Fuels — filed paperwork to create America First Refining LLC. In an email, the attorney, John Willding, told ProPublica that there was “no transaction in India or with an Indian company that I was ever involved with.”)
Anant Ambani, who helps run Reliance’s energy business, personally worked on the Texas refinery deal for months before it was announced, a major Indian newspaper later reported.
As the Ambanis quietly finalized their deal with America First Refining, U.S.-Indian relations appeared to warm. In February, the Trump administration struck a trade deal with India, dramatically lowering tariffs, and also reportedly gave Reliance a license to buy Venezuelan oil. When the Iran war broke out and rocked global energy markets, the U.S. gave India a sanctions waiver to buy Russian crude. (The waiver was later expanded to all countries.)
In response to ProPublica’s questions, the White House said that “there are no conflicts of interest.” Reliance did not answer ProPublica’s questions about Trump Jr.’s and Anant Ambani’s roles in the investment deal, but said in a statement that the company did not receive “any unique or preferential treatment” from the U.S. government.
“There is no connection between Reliance’s investment in AFR and any unique measures associated with general U.S. trade, tariff, sanctions or licensing outcomes,” Reliance said. “The investment was evaluated and approved on its commercial merits, strategic fit and long-term value creation potential.”
In March, President Trump personally announced Reliance’s deal with the Texas startup on Truth Social, thanking the Ambani company for its “tremendous Investment.”
After the announcement, Willding, the Trump Jr. lawyer, shared the news on LinkedIn: “Just so proud to have been part of this one.”
Willding rowed back his claim in an email to ProPublica. “I have never worked for or advised AFR and had zero involvement in their deal with Reliance Energy,” he said. “I simply saw the press release and was excited for them.” America First Refining’s spokesperson called Willding’s comment “moronic and false.”
In June 2025, Willding registered a new entity in Wyoming called TX Fuels, LLC, listing the company’s address as Trump Jr.’s mansion in Jupiter, Florida. In his email, Willding said his “only involvement in AFR was handling the legal paperwork” for the Trump Jr. LLC’s investment in the startup.
Trump Jr. first hired Willding in May 2021, according to interviews the lawyer has given. A corporate deal lawyer in Dallas, Willding has referred to himself as “outside business counsel to the Trump family” and has said he talks to Trump Jr. or Eric Trump almost daily. A former Bill Clinton and Barack Obama voter who fell hard for MAGA, the attorney has installed a portrait of President Trump over the mantel in his living room.
Willding’s practice has boomed during the second Trump administration, bringing the lawyer to Argentina, Saudi Arabia and South Korea. “Everybody in the world wants to do business with the United States right now,” Willding said at a conference in June 2025. “Every company wants to do business with the Trump family.”
There are other fingerprints of the Trump world on the refinery deal.
Howard Lutnick’s firm Cantor Fitzgerald — which his sons took over when Lutnick became Trump’s commerce secretary — is working as the financial adviser to America First Refining, including on the Ambani investment deal, Cantor Fitzgerald announced. (Cantor Fitzgerald declined to comment.)
And the Trump administration played a direct role helping America First Refining find potential foreign investors, according to public comments from the company’s CEO, John Calce. “We have received support from the White House,” he told a local news outlet. The National Energy Dominance Council, led by the interior and energy secretaries, has “helped us with, candidly, introducing us and helping us meet some of these people overseas,” Calce said on an industry podcast.
America First Refining has recently explored going public, according to three people close to the company. That could allow its current investors to start cashing out even if the refinery never gets built — a milestone many energy industry insiders still view as a long shot. Reliance made its investment in the startup at a valuation of at least $1 billion, according to America First Refining’s announcement.
Building a refinery at the Port of Brownsville on the Gulf Coast has been Calce’s mission for a decade. A former Yale offensive lineman, he started his career as a high school football coach after an unsuccessful attempt to make the NFL and now describes himself as a “lifelong entrepreneur.”
The project has been serially delayed, out of money, rebranded and trailed by angry former business partners. At one point, Calce’s companies were being sued simultaneously by eight other firms. In 2022, during bankruptcy proceedings for an earlier iteration of the project, the trustee appointed to impartially oversee the case sued Calce too. The trustee alleged that Calce and other insiders had improperly siphoned away cash and other assets. (Calce denied wrongdoing. The case was ultimately settled.)
During the Biden administration, as the company sought financial support from the Department of Energy, it pitched itself as a climate-friendly green project that would also help “people of underrepresented social demographics” in Brownsville, according to records from that period. The company failed to get enough money from outside investors, and the planned construction was delayed.
By the company’s own estimate, building the refinery will take years and cost $3 billion to $4 billion. Even if it’s built, profitability could be hard to achieve. Many energy investors told ProPublica there’s a reason the U.S. hasn’t seen a major new refinery in decades. “Refineries cost a lot of money and essentially make pennies on the dollar,” said Ed Hirs, an energy economist in Houston. “Wall Street is not going to finance a new refinery.”
Even after the start of the second Trump administration, the company was in jeopardy, according to interviews and documents. It laid off workers last year, and, by late 2025, with delays continuing to plague the refinery, officials at the Port of Brownsville believed the project looked to be dead, according to records reviewed by ProPublica.
That has not stopped Calce and his team from making grandiose claims to the public. Earlier this year, a website went live for another Calce company called Brownsville Energy Storage Terminals. It claims to have a far-flung network of oil storage terminals in places like the Netherlands and Singapore, more than 850 employees and a C-suite of experienced energy executives. But ProPublica could find no evidence that the executives are real people or that the storage terminals actually exist. The phone numbers on the website are also currently listed online as the contacts for a Houston baklava caterer, a Dallas-area taxi service and an OB-GYN office. The numbers are dead.
America First Refining’s political ties, though, may have boosted its standing with Texas state regulators. In February, shortly before the Ambani investment became public, the company sought an extension on its permit from the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality.
Inside the state agency, emails obtained by ProPublica show, officials scrambled to approve the request.
“Need to get this one logged and processed asap,” wrote one official.
“You are going to have to do this one. I will explain why in person in a few,” wrote another. “You can guess if you check out the name.”
America First Refining got its approval the next day. A spokesperson for the Texas agency did not address questions about the emails. “This request was processed quickly due to the quality of information provided,” the spokesperson said.
The post An Indian Billionaire Was Targeted by Trump. Then He Poured Money Into a Startup Secretly Backed by Donald Trump Jr. appeared first on ProPublica.
A little over a year ago, Sen. Tim Sheehy floated an audacious proposal to reshape the way the federal government fights wildfires. It called for expanding the use of private planes and helicopters to quickly attack blazes while also eliminating the U.S. Forest Service’s rigorous airworthiness inspections for those aircraft.
The idea stood to benefit Sheehy, a Montana Republican, personally. Before running for Congress, he founded and ran an aerial firefighting company called Bridger Aerospace, which is known for its scoopers, aircraft built to retrieve water from lakes or oceans and drop it onto fires. Since 2021, the Forest Service has paid Bridger more than $235 million for use of its scoopers, according to public records.
Sheehy’s ownership of Bridger is well known, but what hasn’t been reported is that the same month the proposal leaked, a Forest Service inspector had discovered a crack in a wing of an aircraft Bridger had presented as ready for service. The scooper had failed the very inspection Sheehy sought to eliminate.
Forest Service inspectors have flagged problems with Bridger’s scoopers for years, according to sources and documents obtained by ProPublica under the Freedom of Information Act. The records were heavily redacted by the agency, including the problem that the inspector discovered last April. But a former government official with direct knowledge of the inspection told ProPublica it had revealed a crack in a wing. “It was a big crack,” the official said. Other experts said that kind of finding is rare and could have proved catastrophic.
“Very seldom do you find a crack in a major component,” said Paul Markowitz, a former national aviation maintenance manager for the Forest Service. Detecting such problems is the reason the Forest Service operates an airworthiness program, he added: “It’s to keep people alive.”
Veteran fire officials noted that Sheehy’s proposals would eliminate costly oversight of the company he founded and others like it while increasing spending on aerial firefighting. At the time the document leaked, he owned Bridger stock worth between $13 million and $15 million.
Within the Forest Service, the company was known to resist oversight, officials told ProPublica. Five current and former Forest Service officials say Bridger Aerospace has chafed at the agency’s rigorous inspections, even as records and sources indicate the company has presented aircraft in need of maintenance and repairs as ready to fight fires. The sources asked not to be named for fear of reprisal.
Bridger did not answer questions about the failed inspection but said in a statement, “Safety is the bedrock of our company, and we spare no expense.” It added, “Our investment in maintenance and training runs into the tens of millions annually and reflects the high safety standard we believe this work demands.”
Bridger’s aircraft have never been involved in a crash, according to records maintained by the National Transportation Safety Board.
Sheehy’s office did not respond to interview requests. But he has been open about his frustration with the Forest Service’s inspections and contended that Bridger’s scoopers, because they are built to fight fire, require less oversight than other firefighting aircraft that were originally designed for other purposes.
In response to detailed questions about Sheehy’s role in reshaping the fire service, a spokesperson for the senator said he stands by his efforts to eliminate Forest Service inspections. The process is “a relic of a bygone era and has become an unnecessary barrier to asset availability,” the spokesperson said in an email. The spokesperson also said that Sheehy has no conflict of interest because he has since moved his assets into blind trusts, adding, “The senator will continue to be adversarial toward anyone protecting a broken status quo that has allowed cities to burn to the ground.”
Former Forest Service officials say it’s common for companies to complain about inspections. What sets Bridger apart is its connection to a senator who is seeking to change how wildfire aviation is managed. A spokesperson for the Department of Agriculture, which oversees the Forest Service, did not answer questions about Sheehy’s relationship with the agency.
Last June, President Donald Trump signed an executive order directing agencies to consolidate their wildland fire programs, an idea Sheehy and others have long favored. The order left Forest Service inspections in place. But as fire officials discuss consolidation, an influential industry group that Sheehy helped shape is advocating for ending them.
The United Aerial Firefighters Association was launched in 2022, with Sheehy serving as a founding board member. The group now wants to allow contractors to develop their own inspection standards.
“Industry inspects itself all the time. Industry inspects automobiles. Industry inspects baby formula,” said Tiffany Taylor, UAFA’s senior policy director. “Why can’t we be inspecting ourselves?”
Contractors like Bridger own the vast majority of aircraft that the federal government uses to fight wildfires. In 2022, the last year for which data is available, only 5% of the Forest Service’s flight hours for firefighting came from aircraft it owns. Regardless of their ownership, aircraft must be inspected before flying. That job falls to about 25 aviation safety inspectors, most of whom work for the Forest Service.
The Federal Aviation Administration certifies aircraft but does not conduct regular inspections. The agency instead relies on companies to ensure their planes and helicopters are airworthy. Even when the FAA performs inspections, fire officials and contractors say, they do not account for the stresses inflicted by steering aircraft through wildfires. “The Forest Service is way more in-depth,” said Britt Coulson, president of Coulson Aviation, a prominent air tanker contractor.
Forest Service officials often say the agency’s rules governing aviation are written in blood. A pair of shocking crashes in 2002 ignited the push for more rigorous inspections. That June, an air tanker was dropping retardant in California when its wings folded upward, like a bird in flight, and detached. The plane burst into flames and fell to the ground. The harrowing moment was caught on video. Three people onboard were killed, and the NTSB later attributed the accident to undetected cracks in one of the plane’s wings. One month later, in Colorado, another tanker contracted by the Forest Service crashed after a wing separated from the fuselage. Two pilots were killed. Once again, the NTSB said the accident was caused by unidentified wing cracking.
Since 2010, when the Forest Service implemented its current airworthiness program, the accident rate for aircraft it owns or contracts has plummeted. Between 1993 and 2010, it reported 85 accidents that killed 63 people — an average of nearly four deaths per year. Between 2011 and 2023, the last year for which data is available, the agency reported just 17 accidents and seven fatalities.
Inspectors examine everything from the fuselage to the altimeter. When they find problems, they require the contractor to make changes before they issue a certifying document known as a card. In a separate procedure, inspectors issue cards to contractors’ pilots.
By 2018, Bridger had a modest fleet of surveillance aircraft, but Sheehy had bigger ambitions. According to Sheehy’s 2023 book, “Mudslingers: A True Story of Aerial Firefighting,” his brother, Matt, a Bridger co-founder, helped connect the company to the Blackstone Group, which invested a reported $150 million. Bridger used the funds to buy six scoopers from Viking Air. Sheehy wrote that the day of the first aircraft’s arrival in 2020 was “among the proudest of my life.”
In his book, he described that aircraft as a “brand new” model CL-415 but according to FAA records and aviation experts, this was inaccurate. The records show Bridger’s first scooper was built in 1985 and that it is in fact a precursor to the CL-415 model. Viking Air is now part of a larger company called De Havilland Aircraft of Canada Limited. A De Havilland spokesperson declined to comment about the aircraft’s age.
Records also show that Bridger’s first scooper had undergone extensive repairs before the company bought it. The skin of the fuselage had cracked from stress, and both wings had been repaired. One repair, done in 2012, fixed a crack in the left spar — a load-bearing beam extending outward from the fuselage. Experts say any repair to a wing spar is significant. “A spar is what’s holding the damn thing together,” said Markowitz.
According to Sheehy’s account, in 2020, the Forest Service’s airworthiness chief at the time, John Nelson, insisted that Bridger’s scoopers meet an updated standard of maintenance and inspection. Sheehy was extremely upset. “Unfortunately, the relationship between industry and the USFS Airworthiness Branch is at an all-time low,” he wrote in his book. (Nelson did not respond to questions about Sheehy’s characterization.)
The next year, Bridger’s first scoopers received cards, allowing the government to pay for their use.
By 2023, the company had six contracted scoopers. Inspectors soon found more problems with the aircraft, according to the records. In January 2024, Bridger presented its first scooper as ready for service, only to have a Forest Service inspector find issues with the engine and electronics. The problems and reasons for the failed inspection were redacted in documents obtained by ProPublica. The scooper received its card the next month.
According to experts who examined the Bridger inspection records at ProPublica’s request, these issues are common in the aerial firefighting fleet. But they said it’s extraordinary for inspectors to find a problem like the one identified last spring.
In early April 2025, Bridger presented two scoopers for carding, saying they were ready for service. During one of these assessments, a Forest Service inspector found a crack in a wing.
The Forest Service records show that Bridger completed a repair in Montana by April 18. Within a week, both aircraft had been cleared for flight.
Bridger did not answer specific questions about the repair. In a statement, the company said, “For a 30,000-pound aircraft that skims bodies of water repeatedly at 100 mph to scoop 11,700 pounds of water in 12 seconds, regular maintenance and periodic repairs are an inherent part of the job.” The company added, “We welcome the rigorous certification process.”
But the relatively quick repair was not a reflection of the severity of the issue. Gil Elmy, a former Forest Service official who wrote the agency’s aircraft inspector guide, said such a finding “should not happen.” Markowitz said the finding evoked an uncomfortable historical echo. The 2002 crash, which was caught on camera and precipitated the Forest Service’s reckoning and its modern airworthiness program, was caused by unidentified wing cracking.
As Bridger’s scooper was being repaired, officials in the wildland fire community were responding to a proposal from the senator’s office that would have ended the airworthiness program. In March 2025, Sheehy asked Brooke Rollins, the secretary of the Department of Agriculture, to stop the inspections, and in mid-April, a draft executive order that proposed eliminating them leaked from his Senate office. Metadata showed the draft had been edited by one of Sheehy’s policy advisers at the time as well as a lobbyist for Bridger. The United Aerial Firefighting Association also shaped the draft.
“Senator Sheehy’s office circulated a living, breathing document to members of congress, outside policy experts, and industry stakeholders on ways to improve the way we fight fire in this country,” wrote Sheehy’s spokesperson.
When Sheehy resigned from Bridger in July 2024 to run for the Senate, he owned 21% of the company, making him its largest individual shareholder. Four months after taking office, in May 2025, he moved most of his stock into two revocable blind trusts, claiming they eliminated any conflict of interest he might have.
But the trusts appear to be managed by executives at Tallgrass, an energy infrastructure company that until March was run by Sheehy’s brother, Matt, who was also a significant early investor in Bridger. Neither Matt Sheehy nor representatives for Tallgrass responded to questions about the trusts. In an email, a spokesperson for the senator did not dispute the Tallgrass executives’ stewardship but pointed out that the Senate Select Committee on Ethics had vetted the trusts. The spokesperson wrote, “Senator Sheehy’s blind trusts are completely independent — he has no control over them.”
According to Cynthia Brown, senior ethics counsel at the nonprofit Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, a decision to entrust stock to such close associates undermines the purpose of a blind trust, which is to ensure that a lawmaker’s investments are independently managed. In an email, Brown said, “Selecting a family member’s company appears to do that exact thing that the rules mean to prohibit.”
Since last spring, Sheehy has said little about airworthiness inspections. But he has pushed other policies that would increase business opportunities for aviation companies, such as requiring a response within 30 minutes to all wildfires on federal land. At the same time, he has driven an agenda that could debilitate his longtime foe, the Forest Service.
In statements, on podcasts and in the New York Times opinion section, he has advocated for a single national fire service. And at almost every turn — including in proposed legislation — he has insisted that the Forest Service’s vast wildfire apparatus be moved within the Department of the Interior’s smaller operation. It would hollow out the Forest Service, which draws more than half its budget from fire operations. “It would be a fatal wound,” said Doug Crandall, the agency’s former legislative affairs director.
There are inefficiencies in a fire aviation system spread between agencies. The rush for a couple dozen inspectors to certify hundreds of planes and helicopters before wildfire season can cause delays, temporarily grounding aircraft and cutting into contractors’ revenues. And the agencies have sometimes required duplicative inspections.
But even officials and firefighting labor advocates who support consolidation, which requires congressional approval, have questioned why Interior should absorb the Forest Service’s fire program. Some liken it to forcing a minnow to swallow a whale. The Forest Service employs about twice as many full-time wildland firefighters as the Interior Department, and it spends at least three times more on aviation contracting. It is also responsible for the vast majority of inspections. According to a recent organizational chart reviewed by ProPublica, only five aviation safety inspectors currently work for the Interior Department.
Bridger carries significant debt and in 2024 warned shareholders that it had “substantial doubt about our ability to continue as a going concern.” But last year, the company reported a profit for the first time since going public. It also purchased two more scoopers and predicted that efforts to unify fire agencies “could increase contracting opportunities for private aerial providers.” In another recent filing, Bridger said, “the legislative and policy environment has never been more aligned with our mission.”
Last year, six Forest Service aviation safety inspectors resigned or retired, according to the agency. The recent organizational chart reviewed by ProPublica shows the same number of positions remain unfilled, representing more than 20% of Forest Service aviation safety inspector jobs. It’s unclear what would happen to the rest of the inspectors if the Interior Department were to absorb the Forest Service’s fire operations. In an emailed statement, Adam Mendonca, the Forest Service’s deputy director of fire and aviation management, said the agency “has no intention to change our aircraft inspection standards,” adding that it was “working closely with the Department of the Interior to streamline aviation operations.”
In late March, the Forest Service announced a dramatic reorganization that will move its headquarters to Salt Lake City. The Department of Agriculture reiterated the administration’s desire to fold the Forest Service’s fire operations into the Interior Department.
By that point, blazes had ignited in the Midwest. With the arrival of fire season, the Forest Service’s airworthiness inspectors performed their close examinations. At hangars across the country, they looked for cracks.
The post A U.S. Senator Pushed to Cut Firefighting Aircraft Inspections the Same Month His Former Company Failed One appeared first on ProPublica.
Facebook Plus abbonamento è ormai realtà: Meta ha ufficialmente avviato il rollout dei piani premium per le sue principali piattaforme. Facebook, Instagram e WhatsApp entrano nell'era delle sottoscrizioni a pagamento, introducendo funzioni esclusive riservate a chi decide di mettere mano al portafoglio. Ma vale davvero la pena pagare?
Quanto costa Facebook Plus e gli altri abbonamenti Meta
I prezzi sono stati fissati con una logica chiara. Facebook Plus e Instagram Plus costano 3,99 dollari al mese ciascuno. WhatsApp Plus, invece, è leggermente più economico: 2,99 dollari mensili. Per il mercato europeo, le cifre sembrano destinate a restare simili, con Facebook Plus atteso intorno ai 2,99 euro al mese in Italia.
Tutti questi piani confluiscono sotto un nuovo marchio ombrello chiamato Meta One, che raccoglie e gestisce l'intera offerta in abbonamento del gruppo. Chi vuole ancora di più può guardare ai livelli superiori: Meta One Plus a 7,99 dollari e Meta One Premium a 19,99 dollari al mese, pensati soprattutto per creator e aziende con accesso avanzato all'intelligenza artificiale.
Cosa include Facebook Plus: le funzioni esclusive
Le novità per gli abbonati di Facebook e Instagram ruotano soprattutto attorno alle Storie. Gli utenti Plus possono estendere la durata oltre le canoniche 24 ore, creare contenuti in evidenza e consultare statistiche dettagliate sul pubblico. È anche possibile pubblicare contenuti senza mostrarli nel feed dei propri follower, una funzione particolarmente utile per chi gestisce una community.
Durante i test erano emerse ulteriori funzionalità: le cosiddette spotlight Stories, nuove reazioni speciali chiamate super heart e la possibilità di guardare le Storie altrui senza comparire nell'elenco delle visualizzazioni.
WhatsApp Plus segue un percorso diverso. Le novità riguardano la personalizzazione dell'interfaccia: temi grafici, suonerie esclusive, adesivi premium e la possibilità di fissare in alto un numero maggiore di conversazioni rispetto alla versione gratuita.
Meta AI a pagamento: il futuro è freemium
La svolta non riguarda solo i social. Meta sta sperimentando un modello freemium anche per la propria intelligenza artificiale. Funzioni avanzate come la modalità Thinking, il ragionamento esteso e la generazione di immagini e video saranno soggette a limiti per gli utenti gratuiti. Chi vuole accedervi senza restrizioni dovrà sottoscrivere uno dei piani Meta One.
Una strategia che riflette una tendenza ormai consolidata nel settore tech: rendere le funzioni più potenti accessibili solo a pagamento, mantenendo però una versione base gratuita per non perdere utenti.
La versione gratuita rimane: nessuno è obbligato a pagare
È importante chiarirlo: Facebook, Instagram e WhatsApp restano gratuiti. Gli abbonamenti Plus non sostituiscono l'accesso base alle piattaforme, ma aggiungono un livello superiore di funzionalità per chi lo desidera. Meta ha anche precisato che questi piani sono separati da Meta Verified, il servizio dedicato alla verifica degli account.
La domanda che in molti si pongono è legittima: ha senso pagare per funzioni che fino a ieri erano considerate standard? La risposta dipende molto da come si usa la piattaforma. Per un utente occasionale probabilmente no. Per un creator o un professionista del digitale, qualche euro al mese potrebbe fare la differenza.
L'articolo Facebook Plus abbonamento: quanto costa e cosa cambia proviene da sicurezza.net.
Bonjour,
Sur une question “Case à cocher”, je souhaite limiter le nombre de réponse pour chaque possibilité. Comment faire ?
Merci par avance pour votre aide !
Zoé
3 messages - 2 participant(e)s
RE: https://tutut.delire.party/@marien/116698681618287897
#Framadate est propulsé par #Pollaris, un logiciel #Libre conçu bénévolement par @marien !
Aujourd'hui, Marien propose à la communauté de s'impliquer dans les évolutions de Pollaris (évolutions qui impacteront donc Framadate aussi).
C'est une superbe occasion de contribuer à l'amélioration d'un logiciel impactant plus d'un million de personnes !
Merci encore une fois !
Trump administration officials earlier this year killed a federal criminal investigation into the coal empire owned by Sen. Jim Justice, a Republican from West Virginia and a close ally of the president’s.
The investigation examined potential criminal violations of the Clean Water Act by the multistate mining operations largely run by Justice’s son, Jay, according to current and former officials familiar with the matter.
The criminal probe was a significant escalation in the yearslong effort to police serial pollution offenses by Virginia-based Southern Coal and dozens of affiliated mining operations controlled by the family. In the past decade, Southern Coal and other Justice corporations have racked up tens of thousands of alleged violations of the Clean Water Act and have been sued repeatedly by state and federal prosecutors over their failure to properly follow environmental laws at their mining sites.
The investigation shuttered by the Trump administration was a joint effort by prosecutors and investigators with the Environmental Protection Agency, the Department of Justice’s Environmental Crimes Section and the U.S. Attorney’s Office of the Western District of Virginia to probe whether the incessant violations of antipollution laws had risen to the level of criminal behavior, people familiar with the matter said.
People familiar with the investigation told ProPublica that prosecutors believed they had a strong case. They initially had the blessing of Robert Tracci, President Donald Trump’s top official in the Western District of Virginia, to move forward.
But in recent months, as prosecutors battled the Justice companies in court over subpoenas for records, the Office of the Deputy Attorney General shut down the probe. At the time, Todd Blanche still headed the office, before assuming the role of acting attorney general in April.
“They were told ‘pencils down,’” a person familiar with the investigation said.
That prosecutors were even conducting a criminal investigation is noteworthy, people said, because the DOJ only charges a dozen or so criminal Clean Water Act cases each year. It is rare for top DOJ officials to derail a criminal investigation initiated by career officials at such an early stage, people familiar with the case said.
“I’ve never heard of that happening before,” said former federal prosecutor Rick Mountcastle, speaking generally about DOJ protocols. Mountcastle spent 24 years as a prosecutor in the Western District of Virginia. “There shouldn’t be some sort of untouchables list of people who are immune from enforcement.”
The move is part of a pattern of behavior at the top echelons of the DOJ to push cases against Trump’s political adversaries and ease up on allies.
Environmental enforcement against large polluters has plunged under the second Trump administration. Just days after inauguration, the administration reassigned top career environmental lawyers at the DOJ, including those overseeing the Southern Coal case, to work on the president’s immigration crackdown. At the beginning of the year, Blanche personally ordered prosecutors to stand down from cases against diesel emissions cheating.
We’re still reporting. If you know more about this case or other instances of the Trump administration shutting down criminal investigations, please contact our reporting team.
Molly Redden
Send me tips or documents about lawyers getting special access to the Trump administration, the DOJ rewarding Trump’s supporters and pursuing his enemies, the administration’s legal strategy, and the White House’s judicial appointments.
Steven Ruby, an attorney for the Justice companies, said they became aware of the criminal investigation earlier this year.
“Ultimately the finding of the inquiry by the government was that there wasn’t any evidence to pursue criminal charges,” Ruby said. “There’s never been any intentional wrongdoing by the companies.”
While objecting to the subpoenas in court, the company simultaneously convinced the DOJ to drop the case, he said.
“The Justice companies — because Sen. Justice has been governor and because he’s now a senator — are singled out and put under a microscope, and there’s news coverage of violations and consent decrees and compliance actions,” Ruby said. “But the fact of the matter is that those kinds of issues exist throughout the industry.”
Current and former government officials familiar with the companies’ environmental record called them routine bad actors.
Spokespeople for the EPA and the Western District of Virginia referred questions to the DOJ. Justice’s senate office did not respond to questions.
“There is no case to be made here for a criminal investigation,” Emily Covington, a DOJ spokeswoman, said in an email. “Any career prosecutor who would paint a criminal case as strong is simply a deep state prosecutor continuing to push the priorities of the Biden administration.”
The deputy attorney general’s office is routinely involved with reviewing cases, she added. The office determined that this case was not consistent with the Trump administration’s priorities, she continued, and it was more appropriate to resolve it through the less punitive civil process. “The bottom line is that this was a politically motivated prosecution for a case that can and should be resolved civilly,” she wrote.
The Justice family runs a sprawling coal mining enterprise that extends across the South. Estimates of its fortune fluctuate. Forbes tallied Jim Justice’s net worth to be as much as $1.9 billion until 2021; more recently, it declared him “broke” and facing $1 billion in debt. But environmental groups have accused his companies of misrepresenting their assets to avoid paying environmental penalties.
Ruby said company finances seesaw because coal is a “boom and bust” industry.
Justice, who was first elected governor of West Virginia as a Democrat, announced he had become a Republican at a Trump rally in 2017. Trump backed Justice’s bid for Senate in 2023, amid a contested GOP primary. Justice went on to win the seat, helping Trump clinch a GOP majority in the Senate.
Coal mines often leach dangerous chemicals like arsenic into waterways and are required to strictly monitor pollution discharge and keep it under certain limits. The family’s companies have settled many accusations of environmental violations by agreeing to pay fines and invest in better pollution prevention without admitting or denying culpability.
In recent years, however, the company has repeatedly flouted regulators and the legal process. Jay Justice has been a no-show at court hearings involving Clean Water Act violations in the past, and in 2024 a judge in Alabama issued a civil contempt order against him for his repeated failure to respond to those lawsuits. Ruby, the Justice companies’ lawyer, attributed the violations in that case to surrounding facilities the family does not own. The case is now in mediation.
A number of recent legal proceedings have laid bare the extent to which the Justice companies may have knowingly violated environmental laws, a key threshold for bringing a criminal matter.
Such allegations surfaced in a 2023 civil case brought by the Justice companies’ former chief of environmental compliance Robert Fowler. In the suit, Fowler claimed that Jay Justice blocked him from spending the money necessary to comply with environmental laws, including making court-ordered payments and repairing equipment. As a result, according to emails disclosed in the lawsuit there were at times complaints of near-daily violations of permit water requirements.
In a resignation letter and in subsequent court filings, Fowler said he was concerned the circumstances exposed him to “potential civil and criminal liability.” Fowler declined to comment.
The Justice companies denied Fowler’s accusations. The Justice companies believe the government’s criminal investigation was based primarily on Fowler’s claims, which Ruby dismissed as the allegations of a “disgruntled” former employee.
Last month, a jury in Alabama found that the Justice companies had made false representations to Fowler about his role, but it did not award him the millions of dollars in damages he demanded in his lawsuit. The judge has yet to enter his final ruling.
In the DOJ’s aborted investigation of Southern Coal, prosecutors and federal agents had begun to gather evidence, scrutinizing testimony in the Justices’ various civil trials, and had approached former employees seeking information. Government attorneys also sent subpoenas seeking further documentation, said those familiar with the probe, a move that was opposed by the company’s lawyers.
People familiar with the case said Justice Department attorneys were ready to fight the Justices’ lawyers over the subpoenas.
But before they could move forward, Blanche’s office shut it down.
The post Trump Administration Killed Criminal Investigation of GOP Senator’s Coal Companies appeared first on ProPublica.
After creating an event, when I click on the participants link (xxx/participations URL), screen remains blank, although I know participants have registered as the link says 8/10 participants.
This is on mobilizon.fr instance and I have tested that both with Chrome Version 148.0.7778.168 (Build officiel) (64 bits) and librewolf 136.0.1-1
4 messages - 3 participant(e)s
Bonjour à tous !
Avec des amies on voulait faire un framacalc mais apparemment, elles n’arrivent pas à modifier le tableau en question… Je voulais savoir s’il y avait des choses à cocher ou à modifier dans le tableur pour mettre l’édition en mode “public” ?
Merci infiniment !
3 messages - 2 participant(e)s
American children lined up for the world’s first measles shots in the early 1960s, but it took nearly 40 years of shoring up immunization programs before the infamous contagion had been so thoroughly controlled that a panel of experts declared in 2000 that the United States had eliminated measles within its borders.
For a quarter century, the U.S. only saw outbreaks when infected travelers brought the virus in from abroad. The resulting waves of measles didn’t last more than a year.
Those days are gone.
Measles began tearing through the dusty plains of West Texas in January last year, and since then, all but a handful of states have seen cases. Two unvaccinated Texas girls and an adult across the border in New Mexico died before the West Texas outbreak seemed to burn out last July.
By then, measles was popping up in Utah, and state health officials couldn’t tell where the earliest patients had caught the virus. Infections in that state took off that fall and winter and continued into May of this year.
The Texas and Utah cases now sit at the center of an unusually technical — and politically fraught — question: whether the United States will lose its measles-free distinction.
Countries aren’t penalized for losing the status, but it’s an indication of cracks in a nation’s once rock-solid immunization programs, a loss of faith in vaccines among its people — or both.
To have any chance of keeping the designation, the U.S. will need to make a strong case that measles didn’t spread endemically — from person to person in a continuous chain within the country for more than a year. If the Texas virus, for example, made its way across the Southwest to Utah and continued infecting people there, that would be a problem. But if cases in Utah were instead sparked by a patient who caught measles abroad, that would be a new chain, restarting the clock.
For clues, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is analyzing the full genetic code of measles viruses that infected patients. Last November, the CDC’s leader at the time said preliminary genomic analysis suggested the Utah cases were not directly linked to those in Texas. A spokesperson for the Department of Health and Human Services told ProPublica that the work was done by the state laboratories and the CDC is conducting a more comprehensive investigation.
ProPublica embarked on its own analysis, reviewing over 1,800 whole genome sequences, including those released as recently as last month, to compare the genetic fingerprints of measles viruses circulating in the U.S. and Canada. This showed that the measles virus still spreading in Utah as of this May is very closely related to the one that sickened Texans over a year ago.
ProPublica’s analysis isn’t a smoking gun that proves endemic spread. It’s impossible to tell from this information whether the virus spread from state to state or if it at some point left the country and was brought back by a sick traveler.
But given how similar the viruses are in the sequences ProPublica identified, it’s going to be difficult for the U.S. to prove measles isn’t endemic — “unless CDC has something up their sleeves,” said Dr. Alberto Severini, a retired molecular virologist and measles expert who spent two decades at Canada’s Public Health Agency.
This is a small portion of the genetic code from a sample of measles virus collected in Utah in May 2026. Each letter represents one of the four molecules that encode the unique instructions for how the virus is built and operates.
ProPublica compared it to the sequence from a virus collected during the first days of the Texas outbreak in January 2025.
The two sequences are nearly identical. But when you look closely, mutations — tiny changes in the virus’s genetic code — begin to appear. These mutations form a distinct fingerprint.
Out of the nearly 16,000 genetic letters in each sequence, only 12 differ between the original Texas virus and the Utah virus sampled more than a year later. The mutations did not appear all at once.
As the virus spread in Texas, tiny copying errors appeared in its genetic code. One of these cropped up weeks into the outbreak: a G molecule turned into an A.
Over the following months, this branch of the outbreak continued spreading — and continued mutating. By May 2025, a virus collected from a Texas patient bore five distinct mutations.
Then those same five mutations appeared in Utah. A virus carrying this distinctive genetic pattern was found there in June 2025.
Soon, measles cases surged in Utah. Many viruses collected there carried the same five mutations, along with additional new ones. Related viruses continued infecting Utah residents as recently as this May.
The unique fingerprint of mutations hasn’t been limited to these states. The five mutations observed in Texas and Utah were also present in sequences the CDC published of viruses that infected patients last May and June in Iowa, North Dakota, Minnesota and Alaska.
But it’s not clear that the genetic fingerprint is only in the U.S.: No whole genome sequencing has been made public from cases in either Mexico or the Canadian province of Ontario, where measles has also raged.
That matters because whether the virus was spreading continuously in the United States for more than a year — rather than circulating abroad and being brought back into the country by travelers — is a key question facing a panel of experts convened by the Pan American Health Organization.
A regional office of the World Health Organization, PAHO will decide whether the U.S. keeps its measles-free designation. Canada lost its status last year. PAHO invited the U.S. to make its case in April, but American officials asked for more time to investigate how the virus had been spreading. The review was moved to November.
Daniel Salas, a PAHO official, said the kind of thorough analysis that CDC is doing “takes time.”
“What the U.S. is trying to do with this whole genome sequencing is trying to find some patterns that could eventually say, for example, this mutation of the virus occurred in a different country, in a different place to the current outbreak that they’re trying to analyze, so that eventually, that might be taken into consideration to somehow replace the epidemiological information that is missing,” he said. “There’s no country that has done this before.”
One of the biggest questions is how the virus got into Utah. Health officials determined that the first confirmed patient there, identified last June, couldn’t have been exposed to measles in another country or even another state. Utah State Epidemiologist Dr. Leisha Nolen said she and her team reviewed the places the patient had been and the people they had been around, but still couldn’t figure out where they caught the virus.
Clues suggested measles had been quietly spreading in the region. A CDC disease detective investigating subsequent cases that spanned the Utah-Arizona border said there had been reports of community members with rashes last June, but the patients declined measles testing and families were often reluctant to answer questions.
Throughout the outbreak, no interviews suggested any patient was exposed in another country, Nolen said, but she and her team cannot rule out the possibility.
ProPublica asked the CDC whether its epidemiologists had linked any of Utah’s measles cases to an international outbreak, but the agency wouldn’t say, nor would it directly comment on genetic similarities ProPublica found between viruses in Texas and Utah. In a written statement, a spokesperson said, “Sequencing alone cannot determine whether transmission has been continuous or sustained.”
While genomic analysis can provide clues, the spokesperson wrote, “These findings must be interpreted alongside epidemiological data, including travel history, exposure information, and known outbreak connections.”
The CDC is still working on “a comprehensive analysis of potential linkages among cases and outbreaks” and has gathered additional epidemiological data, the spokesperson said, but did not elaborate on what that shows.
With the midterm elections approaching, the spread of measles has become a political liability for President Donald Trump, who picked the founder of an antivaccine organization to be his health secretary. Since Trump’s inauguration last year, there have been more than 4,300 U.S. cases, a high not seen in three decades.
Eliminating the endemic spread of measles is the public health equivalent of slaying a dragon. The disease is among the most contagious humans have ever encountered. Patients are infectious even before the telltale rash appears, and the contagion can linger in a room for two hours after they leave.
Policymakers built the U.S. immunization system on lessons learned from measles outbreaks. To get the sky high-vaccination rates needed to stop the disease from spreading, states made shots mandatory for school and daycare attendance, and the federal government provided them free to low-income kids. When measles still managed to roar back, state lawmakers in California and New York cracked down on exemptions to their school mandates. The U.S. helped other countries fight measles, too, not only to prevent deaths but also because people in power recognized that infectious diseases kept in check abroad are less likely to return to American shores.
During prior U.S. outbreaks, health and political leaders, with unwavering language, urged Americans to vaccinate their children and assured them the shots were safe.
Trump and HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. haven’t followed that playbook. Both have fueled doubts about the safety of the MMR shot, which guards against measles, mumps and rubella.
Researchers around the world have found the vaccine does not cause autism. Nevertheless, at a press conference on autism last fall, Trump said he had heard for years that there was a problem with the combination vaccine and urged parents to insist on separate shots for their kids — even though standalone shots don’t exist in the U.S.
Kennedy has said the vaccine offers protection from measles, but he also has repeatedly made the shot sound scarier than the disease.
“There are adverse events from the vaccine,” he told Sean Hannity on Fox News last year. “It does cause deaths every year.”
On a podcast, Kennedy said that when he got the virus as a kid, he got to watch television for a week. “I got chicken soup and vitamin A, which nobody can patent,” he said.
Measles kills 1 to 3 out of every 1,000 people infected and can cause deafness, intellectual disability and brain swelling. In a “know the facts” post, the Infectious Diseases Society of America said there have been no deaths shown to be related to the shot in healthy people. “There have been rare cases of deaths from vaccine side effects among children who are immune compromised, which is why it is recommended that they don’t get the vaccine,” the medical society explained. “That’s why it is so important that everyone who can get vaccinated does so, to protect those who can’t.”
HHS spokesperson Andrew Nixon said in an email that Kennedy “believes Americans deserve clear information about both the benefits and risks of medical products so they can make informed healthcare decisions in consultation with their healthcare providers.”
Nixon said “heavy-handed mandates” contributed to the significant loss of trust in health institutions during the COVID-19 pandemic. “The Secretary maintains that public health agencies rebuild trust through honesty, transparency, and respect for individual choice — not coercion,” Nixon wrote.
Kennedy has tried to distance himself and the administration from the measles resurgence. He said the U.S. has done a better job of limiting the spread than any other country and pointed to the far higher number of cases in Canada and Mexico, whose populations are much smaller.
White House spokesperson Kush Desai told ProPublica, “Fake News reporters should be spending more time examining why the Trump administration’s efforts to contain America’s measles outbreak has been so much more successful than those of Canada and Mexico instead of regurgitating the same, tired narratives.”
Kennedy has also reminded lawmakers that the Texas outbreak began before he became health secretary.
“We have a global pandemic,” he told senators in April. “It has nothing to do with me.”
Kennedy has been among the most prominent voices in the antivaccine movement for more than a decade.
Dr. Adam Ratner, a pediatric infectious disease physician who wrote a book about measles, said Kennedy has done “everything in his power to undermine confidence in vaccines in the U.S.”
During a measles outbreak in New York City that began in 2018, Ratner treated at least five unvaccinated kids who were hospitalized, including a couple who needed intensive care, so he knows that not every child escapes the disease with nothing more than memories of screen time and soup.
While most parents still support immunizations, Ratner worries that the country no longer has the stomach for the kinds of policies that once stopped endemic spread. Rather than making school vaccine requirements stricter, some states are working to do away with them altogether in the name of medical freedom.
“You need a highly vaccinated population to control the spread,” he said. “In the absence of that, I think that we will have ongoing spread, and we’ll have tragedies like the ones that we saw in West Texas with the two kids who died.”
The U.S. may very well find the international travelers it needs to prove that the country is still measles free. But if all remains the same, experts said, it will only be delaying the inevitable.
“It doesn’t change the fact that there’s been transmission of measles in the United States for over a year,” Severini said. “If people don’t vaccinate, measles is going to be endemic.”
The post What ProPublica Found in the Genetic Code of America’s Measles Outbreaks appeared first on ProPublica.
On the day 5-year-old Lens Joseph was killed by a Boston Public Schools bus last year, the driver had already struck a postal truck, ignored a stop sign and missed several stops, prosecutors said. When he got to Lens’ house, he dropped him off on the wrong side of the street and then ran over the kindergartner as he crossed in front of the bus.
Transdev, a multinational company that has been the city’s sole bus contractor since 2013, hired and trained the driver of the bus that killed Lens. Yet a federal safety database shows no sign that the company was involved in the April 2025 crash. WBUR and ProPublica found at least 60 fatal Transdev crashes in the last decade, but the federal database shows only 18 under the company’s name. That means 42 fatal crashes are not identified as Transdev’s.
This missing information is important because the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration, which oversees commercial motor vehicles, relies on it to pinpoint unsafe companies.
But the process the agency uses to collect information is faulty: It identifies only a fraction of a company’s fatal crashes.
As a result, the full safety record of Transdev, one of the largest private operators of public transit in the U.S., remains a secret to regulators, the public and the local government agencies that might award it a contract.
“That is a serious, serious gap in safety,” said Peter Kurdock, general counsel with Advocates for Highway and Auto Safety, a nonprofit that promotes transportation safety and has pushed for improvements in crash data for years. “And it’s a serious, serious shortcoming when it comes to the regulation of these carriers by FMCSA.”
If you are a current or former FMCSA employee, or someone in the industry with information about the agency or the safety of school buses, transit buses or motor coaches, our team wants to hear from you. Willoughby Mariano can be reached by phone at 617-358-0802, Signal at willoughbymariano.55 and email at wmariano@bu.edu.
The deadly crashes associated with Transdev span at least 16 states and involve pedestrians, at least two bicyclists and other vehicles. Lens’ death and at least two others have resulted in criminal charges against the bus drivers. Transdev did not provide comment on any specific crash.
The crash data feeds into FMCSA’s online Safety Measurement System, which makes safety records public for bus companies nationwide. Instead of listing Transdev, that data often lists collisions under the government agency that hired Transdev or the name of a company it acquired. Also, when crashes are listed under other names, companies that oversee the buses involved are not required to claim the collisions. The agency’s instructions for how to determine the motor carrier involved in a crash are interpreted differently by police who respond to the scene, the news organizations found.
Based in France, Transdev has vast U.S. operations. It says it holds contracts in busing, light rail and other forms of public transit in 46 states, plus Washington, D.C., and Puerto Rico. The multibillion-dollar company employs more than 30,000 people nationally. Transdev’s only school bus contract is with Boston Public Schools.
Transdev U.S. CEO Laura Hendricks declined an interview. In a written statement, Transdev said it complies with “federally mandated reporting standards.”
“Transparency and continuous improvement are central to our safety approach, and we work closely with oversight agencies and our clients to ensure our practices meet or exceed expectations,” the statement said.
The statement did not respond to questions about why Transdev did not ensure crashes the company was involved in were logged as part of its safety record. It did stress that reporting crashes is the responsibility of law enforcement.
At the publications’ request, Transdev reviewed lists of the crashes that reporters tied to the company. Transdev confirmed that most of them matched with collisions in their records but did not have records for all of them.
The FMCSA did not respond to requests to interview Derek Barrs, the head of the agency, or emails with a list of questions.
Other than the federal database, there are few ways to connect crashes to particular bus companies. A different database, run by the Federal Transit Administration, records transit crashes but doesn’t connect them to contractors. Separately, FMCSA requires all bus companies to keep an internal register of how many serious crashes take place during their operations. However, those records are not open to the public, and companies are not obligated to submit the information to regulators unless they ask for it. Transdev declined the publications’ request for its register.
So while Transdev may know about its own collisions, federal agencies and the public often don’t.
Darin Jones, a former FMCSA Midwest field administrator, spent more than 35 years in federal transportation safety and often oversaw investigations. He said investigators are supposed to consider a company’s serious crashes as part of their assessment. If many are logged inconsistently, they cannot determine whether Transdev or any other company is operating safely.
“ The knowledge of this motor carrier’s operation, any motor carrier’s operation, is critical,” said Jones. “If you don’t have the full picture of an operation, how do you truly know what’s going on?”
At least in Boston, Transdev appears to have had no serious school bus crashes over 10 years. But that’s not true. WBUR and ProPublica uncovered at least 71 serious crashes involving the company that weren’t under its name.
Kurdock says the FMCSA needs to fix its safety data, especially in Boston.
“The agency needs to be much more proactive in ensuring that the data they do have is accurate, even more so when you’re talking about a carrier that is operating a transportation service for schoolchildren,” Kurdock said. “If there is one bipartisan issue left here in Washington, D.C., it’s that schoolchildren should have a safe ride.”
Since 2016, about two-thirds of Transdev’s 60 fatal crashes have appeared in federal safety data under the names of a company it acquired or agencies that contracted with them. Click a state to see more details about the Transdev crashes we found there and how they were recorded in the federal database.
When a crash happens, local law enforcement fill out accident reports that document the location, identities of the drivers and companies involved. This information becomes part of the federal safety database and helps regulators connect a crash to a particular company.
But the news organizations found multiple examples where that system masked the company running the bus lines. For most of these crashes, the database is also unclear on whether the drivers violated traffic laws.
In Lens’ case, the motor carrier is listed as “CITY OF BOSTON MVMB,” an abbreviation for the city’s Motor Vehicle Management Bureau, which acquires and manages municipal vehicles. There is no mention of the school district or Transdev being involved.
Another crash killed registered nurse Renée Shea in southern Massachusetts in 2017. It appears under the name of the Greater Attleboro Taunton Regional Transit Authority, not Transdev, the agency’s contractor at the time. A bus made a left-hand turn into the path of the Jeep SUV she was driving, according to a police report. The bus company’s driver, Margaret Correia, may have been distracted because she began to take off her jacket before she made her turn, the report found. She could not be reached for comment.
Correia pleaded guilty to misdemeanor negligent operation of a motor vehicle, court records show. A GATRA spokeswoman said Shea’s family received $1 million from the area transit agency’s insurer.
Charlie Shea said his ex-wife was a generous mother who had taken custody of her granddaughter.
As a former MBTA bus driver, Charlie Shea said he continues to be shocked by the bus driver’s actions.
Driving and taking your jacket off “ain’t a bright idea for anybody,” he said.
He said his ex-wife’s death, like all crashes, needs to be part of Transdev’s safety record.
“It’d make them more accountable,” Shea said. “They would have to use their safety records to get contracts from the state or the counties or from schools.”
Outside Massachusetts, there are dozens of other fatal Transdev crashes in the database with no mention of the company.
In a November 2023 Las Vegas crash, federal records list the Regional Transportation Commission of Southern Nevada as the motor carrier of a transit bus that killed bicyclist David Ortiz in a crosswalk. Court records state driver Johnelle Johnson, a Transdev employee, pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor vehicular manslaughter charge. A lawsuit by Ortiz’s family against Transdev and the driver was settled for an undisclosed sum.
Transdev has operated the Las Vegas-area bus system since 2023, when it acquired First Transit, which originally held the contract, the commission’s records show.
Although First Transit is now part of Transdev, at least five fatal crashes across the United States are still recorded under First Transit’s name after the acquisition.
Beyond the fatal crashes, WBUR and ProPublica also took a close look at all of Transdev’s serious, but nonfatal, crashes with Boston Public Schools. Those include crashes where any person was transported to a hospital or a vehicle was towed.
In a December 2024 crash, a bus lurched onto a sidewalk outside Curley K-8 School in the Jamaica Plain neighborhood. The bus struck an 8-year-old boy with autism and his school aide before smashing into two fences, a police report states. The crash sent both victims to the hospital with long-term injuries, their civil lawsuits against Transdev allege.
A bus camera showed that Transdev driver Vitony Laguerre’s eyes were closed and his head was back before he pressed the accelerator, police stated. He pleaded not guilty to a misdemeanor charge of negligent operation of a motor vehicle.
The federal record lists the city of Boston, not Transdev, as the carrier.
Attorneys for Laguerre and both crash victims did not comment for this story. Laguerre and Transdev denied they were negligent in the crash, according to records in an ongoing civil case.
Boston Public Schools Superintendent Mary Skipper declined an interview request. A spokesperson did not answer a list of questions, but in a written statement said that the district follows established safety protocols and has worked with Transdev over several years to improve accountability and performance.
“We will continue to work with our transportation partner to monitor performance, address issues as they arise, and ensure every student gets to and from school safely,” the statement said.
The current system of collecting and publishing bus crash data began as part of a federal push for safer roads. In the early days of this work, in the 1970s and 1980s, rules put the burden on bus and truck companies to self-report serious crashes to the U.S. Department of Transportation. Each operator had to report its fatal bus crashes in person or by telephone “as soon as possible”; crashes that resulted in injuries or serious vehicle damage had to be reported in writing, and in triplicate.
But both companies and federal safety investigators complained the process was burdensome and inadequate. For one thing, investigators could not tell whether companies failed to report their accidents, said Jones, the former FMCSA regional administrator.
Regulators and traffic safety researchers thought they could do better. At the time, many states were already collecting crash information electronically from local police departments.
“Why burden the industry with reporting?” Jones said. “We had a more accurate record from the states.”
So in 1993, the federal Department of Transportation decided to end self-reporting by carriers. Today, local law enforcement agencies send their bus and truck crash information to state agencies, which submit it to FMCSA.
After investigating, a local officer must fill out a form that asks for the name of the bus company, or “carrier,” that is involved in the crash and the company’s U.S. Department of Transportation identifier. FMCSA training material recommends the officer determine which company should be included in the form by figuring out which entity “controls” or “directs” the bus.
For transit and school buses, this decision can be surprisingly complicated. Transdev employees may be behind the wheel, and the company may manage the daily operations of the buses, but the transit agencies or a school district may choose the routes. So who is in charge? In these cases, Transdev’s role often disappears in the data.
Transportation experts and former FMCSA officials said bus companies can voluntarily inform the agency that crashes under other names belong to them.
But Alex Scott, a University of Tennessee, Knoxville transportation expert, said companies rarely update the federal record, according to research he published in 2021. “There’s not really an incentive for them to account for all of their crashes,” Scott said. “If a company could just magically make them go away, of course they would.”
Boston City Councilor Erin Murphy, a former teacher for the district where Lens attended school, has become a vocal critic of how Transdev operates its buses. She was shocked when she learned from a reporter that the company is not required to take steps to ensure all its crashes are part of its federal safety record.
“Horrifying,” she said. “Why would they be able to not report accidents — one that was a fatal accident? There’s nothing worse than a fatal accident.”
“There’s not really an incentive for them to account for all of their crashes. … If a company could just magically make them go away, of course they would.”
Alex Scott, a transportation expert at University of Tennessee, Knoxville
After several passenger bus crashes with multiple fatalities, Congress passed legislation in 2012 that gave FMCSA powers to conduct more comprehensive inspections into the safety operations of bus companies.
When Transdev underwent one of these reviews in 2016, investigators uncovered what they described as “numerous crashes” that were not listed as part of the contractor’s safety record, according to the inspection report. There were enough crashes that the FMCSA planned to give Transdev a “conditional” safety rating, which would mean the company had insufficient safety procedures.
Because local police departments may not “be aware or equipped” to report crashes to the FMCSA, the carrier should report them, the report stated.
“This self reporting is required for accurate evaluation by FMCSA and the accurate safety record of the carrier,” it added.
The company successfully appealed the decision to lower its safety rating by arguing its drivers could not have prevented many of the crashes investigators uncovered.
FMCSA investigators urged Transdev to report to the agency when its role in a crash is not reflected in safety data, yet the company’s name continues to be absent from many of them. Transdev did not comment on this recommendation.
Lens’ death last year became a local flashpoint, shedding new light on Transdev’s safety procedures and raising questions about its ability to keep the city’s children safe.
The driver of the school bus that killed Lens should not have been behind the wheel that day, and the bus never should have been on the road, according to information from city officials and prosecutors.
Driver Jean Charles became ineligible to operate a school bus in December 2024 after a required driving credential expired, according to a statement from Boston Mayor Michelle Wu’s office last year. But the company did not take him off the road then. In the weeks before Lens died, Charles had two minor collisions and underwent remedial training, it said, and soon returned to work.
On the day of Lens’ death, Charles began his shift without conducting a required pretrip inspection, prosecutors alleged. One of the bus’s four rear tires was flat, and a safety crossing bar was broken. Transdev is also in charge of maintenance, but it’s unclear how long the bus had these problems.
Had Charles followed procedures, the bus would have been sent for repairs, prosecutors said. And yet Charles set off on his route to UP Academy Dorchester, where Lens climbed aboard.
At 2:42 p.m., Charles dropped off Lens and his 11-year-old-cousin on the wrong side of their street. To get home, they would have to cross in front of the bus.
Neighbor Carolyn Tomlinson was inside her home cleaning windows when the cries of a child brought her outside. She followed the sound to the corner of Glenwood Avenue and Washington Street, where she saw the cousin screaming. Lens was on the ground.
“I’m looking at Lens, just lying there,” Tomlinson said. “And as a mom it broke my heart.”
Tomlinson said she dialed 911 and held the cousin in her arms to comfort her.
“I was praying with her, saying, ‘It’s going to be OK. God’s got us,’” Tomlinson said.
Lens’ father, Esaie Joseph, had parked his truck in North Carolina after a day on the road as a long-haul trucker when his brother told him about the crash in a phone call. Hours later, he got word that his boy was dead.
Lens was Joseph’s only son, and he was self-assured beyond his years, his father said in an interview with WBUR. His nickname was “smart guy.”
Every time Lens asked Joseph for a new toy, he’d begin with, “Dad, you know I’m a smart guy?” the father recalled.
Joseph has kept his son’s soccer ball and toy cars, and he smiled as he sorted through them on a recent evening: a police car, because Lens wanted to be an officer. A Spider-Man-themed car because he loved the superhero.
After he lost Lens, Joseph stopped driving trucks and moved with his relatives to a new neighborhood, away from the scene of the crash. He now is a driver for a city of Boston van service for seniors.
He and his family are suing Transdev and Charles, who resigned from Transdev soon after the crash. Joseph said he wants some good to come from Lens’ death, and for Transdev to operate safely.
“The first thing I hope is justice for him,” he said. “They have to care for safety so something like this will not happen again.”
Charles pleaded not guilty to felony involuntary manslaughter and other charges in March. His attorney did not respond to requests for comment.
Transdev did not comment about the crash and said the company had discussed its safety measures publicly during a Boston City Council meeting last August. The company and Charles denied in civil court filings that they were negligent or reckless.
Transdev is in the third year of its five-year, $651 million contract with Boston Public Schools and transports about 19,000 of the district’s students every school day. It is currently looking to expand in Boston, where it is one of three finalists for a multibillion-dollar commuter rail contract.
To this day, the federal record does not show that Transdev was the operator of the bus that killed Lens. Neighbor Tomlinson wants it to be part of Transdev’s safety record so regulators can hold them accountable, and agencies and school systems can understand the companies they are hiring.
“It should be visible to the ones that need it, so we can see it and keep our babies safe,” Tomlinson said.
The post A School Bus Killed a 5-Year-Old. The Crash Is Among Dozens Missing From the Bus Company’s Federal Safety Record. appeared first on ProPublica.
La WWDC 2026 si preannuncia come un evento cruciale per l'intelligenza artificiale di Apple. Dopo le difficoltà del 2024, l'attenzione è tutta su Cupertino e sulla sua capacità di ridefinire l'interazione tra uomo e macchina. Non si tratta di un semplice aggiornamento, ma di un momento decisivo che potrebbe rappresentare l'eredità di Tim Cook al suo ultimo keynote.
Questa WWDC ha un sapore diverso. Non è solo una presentazione di nuovi sistemi operativi, ma un vero passaggio di consegne. Per Tim Cook, l'intelligenza artificiale rappresenta ciò che l'iPhone fu per Steve Jobs: un'eredità fondamentale per il prossimo decennio.
Il futuro dell'azienda dipende da questa svolta. Prodotti innovativi come occhiali smart, auricolari intelligenti e nuovi dispositivi per la casa richiedono un'IA potente, contestuale e affidabile. L'intelligenza artificiale non è più un'opzione, ma la base su cui costruire ogni nuova esperienza utente.
Ricordiamo le promesse di "Apple Intelligence" alla WWDC 2024. L'idea di una Siri capace di comprendere il contesto e agire tra le app come agente personale era ambiziosa, forse troppo per i tempi. Il risultato fu un disastro comunicativo: le funzioni mostrate non erano pronte e le promesse non furono mantenute. Apple fu costretta a ritirare alcuni spot e ad affrontare le critiche degli utenti. La verità è che, due anni fa, nessuno era pronto per agenti IA così evoluti su smartphone. L'azienda aveva promesso troppo, troppo presto, in un settore ancora acerbo.
Cosa è cambiato in questi due anni? La risposta si trova in una combinazione di hardware vincente e tecnologie software che, nel 2024, non erano ancora mature.
Apple si è trovata con l'hardware perfetto per l'IA locale quasi per caso. La memoria unificata di Apple Silicon, creata per ottimizzare le prestazioni grafiche, si è rivelata la soluzione ideale per eseguire modelli di intelligenza artificiale direttamente sul dispositivo. Questo ha eliminato i colli di bottiglia tipici dei PC, rendendo i Mac una piattaforma di riferimento per sviluppatori e ricercatori.
Nel 2024 mancavano gli strumenti software per realizzare quella visione. Oggi, Apple ha a disposizione tutto ciò che serve: Architettura MoE (Mixture of Experts): I modelli attuali attivano solo gli "esperti" necessari per un compito specifico, rendendoli molto più efficienti. Quantizzazione Spinta: Tecniche avanzate comprimono modelli enormi per adattarli a uno smartphone, senza perdite significative di qualità. MLX Framework: Un framework open source di Apple che ha dato alla community gli strumenti per ottimizzare qualsiasi modello AI per l'hardware Apple Silicon. In sintesi, oggi la tecnologia è finalmente pronta per realizzare ciò che nel 2024 era solo un'idea.
Lo slogan dell'evento, "All Systems Glow", suggerisce un'IA integrata visivamente in tutto il sistema con un'estetica riconoscibile. Ma le novità andranno ben oltre l'aspetto grafico.
La più grande rivoluzione riguarderà Siri. Non sarà più un semplice assistente vocale, ma un agente proattivo con un'app dedicata e una cronologia sincronizzata via iCloud. Sarà in grado di comprendere il contesto e utilizzare funzioni come: Personal Context: Potrà accedere a email, messaggi e file per rispondere a domande come "Mostrami i documenti inviati da Marco la scorsa settimana". On-screen Awareness: L'assistente vedrà ciò che è presente sullo schermo. Se un amico invia un indirizzo, si potrà chiedere a Siri di salvarlo nei contatti senza dover fare copia-incolla. Cross-app Actions: Eseguirà compiti complessi che coinvolgono più app, come "Prendi l'allegato di questa email e salvalo nella cartella Progetti".
L'intelligenza artificiale sarà integrata in molte altre aree del sistema operativo per migliorare la vita digitale quotidiana:
Questa WWDC non è un semplice aggiornamento, ma un punto di svolta. Apple sembra aver imparato dai propri errori, attendendo la maturità della tecnologia.
Ora ha l'opportunità di offrire un'esperienza IA davvero integrata, utile e rispettosa della privacy. Se le promesse saranno mantenute, potremmo assistere non a un inseguimento della concorrenza, ma alla definizione di un nuovo standard per l'interazione con i nostri dispositivi. Potrebbe essere l'alba di una nuova era per Apple.
L'articolo IA Apple wwdc: Apple riscrive il futuro con una siri tutta nuova proviene da sicurezza.net.
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Un rapport de l’agence de l’ONU dédiée à l’alimentation et l’agriculture dévoile que la consommation de viande à l’échelle mondiale est passée de 25 kg par personne en 1961 à 47 kg par personne en 2022. Les émissions de l’agro-industrie devraient, elles, augmenter de 7,6 % au cours de la prochaine décennie.
Hours after launching a marketing campaign called “Tank Day” for its new “Tank” coffee tumbler range on 18 May, Starbucks Korea found itself at the centre of a cultural storm that would force a billionaire chairman to apologise on national television, and see a chief executive sacked. The controversy reverberated all the way to the South Korean president’s office. […] Marketers chose the slogan after consulting an AI tool, looking for suggestions, Shinsegae Group said. It turned out some managers who approved the campaign never opened the email attachments showing the marketing material.
Alors que la politique d’austérité laisse encore des traces sociales inquiétantes en Grèce, le fonctionnement des institutions et des contre-pouvoirs apparaît aussi modifié en profondeur. Le gouvernement de Kyriákos Mitsotákis, au pouvoir depuis 2019, est de plus en plus pointé du doigt et accusé de dérive autoritaire.
Ce samedi a marqué l’entrée en vigueur de la loi cantonale qui interdit le port du burkini, mais aussi des maillots de bains couvrants anti-UV très prisés par les familles.
L’augmentation constante des températures due au réchauffement climatique a permis aux tiques, qui n’aiment pas le froid mais se régalent quand il fait bon et humide, d’étendre considérablement leur aire de répartition géographique.
en Europe « on perd chaque année 20 millions d’oiseaux depuis 40 ans » à cause de l’agriculture intensive.
Le président des États-Unis a annoncé, jeudi 4 juin, un investissement colossal de 700 millions de dollars pour relancer la production de charbon dans 13 États. L’élu républicain tente ainsi de contourner la fermeture du détroit d’Ormuz par l’Iran, mais aussi de poursuivre sa croisade contre la lutte pour le climat.
Une enquête menée auprès de plus de 500 Américains blancs suivis dans le temps montre que l’audience de Fox News est associée à une adhésion accrue à la théorie complotiste du « grand remplacement ». Un résultat qui éclaire le rôle des médias dans la diffusion de certaines croyances politiques.
« Nous allons vous proposer le plus grand meeting de tous les temps », a écrit le président américain sur son réseau Truth Social. « Nous ne voulons pas de chanteurs sans talent, avec des cachets énormes qui vous endorment, nous leur avons tous dit de rester chez eux », a ajouté le républicain, visiblement encore marqué par une amère déception.
We spent six years contemplating a fascist takeover of a galaxy far, far away. Six years thinking about what happens to ordinary beings when an authoritarian, insane, unchecked regime comes into the deal, and the show is really kind of what we learned. If you’re not willing to fight for the things that you love — your family, community, your culture, your planet, your truth, freedom — there’s an asshole ready to come in and take it away. We learned that bravery and sacrifice and resistance comes in all shapes and sizes, and we learned that courage is contagious. There’s so much is happening, it’s a fire hose of crap that you just can’t get through. And here we are. There isn’t a new cycle that goes by right now that doesn’t contain a variety of outrages that in any other time in our history in America wouldn’t be grounds for treason. Please do not stop. Please do not turn out the lights until we can kill this nightmare. And fuck the Empire !
Le milliardaire américain, dont la fortune pourrait dépasser les 1 000 milliards de dollars dans les prochaines semaines, a accumulé en 30 ans l’équivalent de 11 millions d’années de travail d’un Américain percevant le revenu médian.
“Horrifically, ChatGPT has aided and abetted in more than one multiple murder in the State of Florida,” Uthmeier’s complaint said. “The 2026 deaths of University of South Florida graduate students Nahida Bristy and Zamil Limon were also plotted using ChatGPT, which advised Hisham Abugharbieh on how to dispose of bodies, change VIN numbers on a car, and whether cars were checked at the crime scene.”
Used Waymo batteries will bolster California and Texas energy storage projects.
S’il n’y a pas de solution, le ballon ne roulera pas” : le slogan du mouvement de grève des enseignant·es donne le ton. […] Iels réclament entre autres le retour à un système de retraite public, mutualisé, solidaire et intergénérationnel ; et dénoncent une précarisation insupportable.
29 % of firms have already rehired for AI-cut roles, while 55 % of executives regret replacing workers with AI.
Stuck with an AI bill for tens of thousands of dollars ? You’re not alone by a long shot
Voir aussi AI costs how much ? GitHub Copilot users react to new usage-based pricing system. (arstechnica.com)
Some report burning through their whole monthly “AI credit” allotment in a single day.
Amazon vient de fermer discrètement son classement interne KiroRank qui mesurait l’usage des outils IA par ses employé·es. Officiellement, l’objectif d’adoption était atteint. Officieusement, les employé·es trichaient massivement pour grimper dans le classement, certain·es après avoir été réprimandé·es pour un usage insuffisant de l’IA.
L’assistance IA mise en place par Meta pour la gestion des comptes Instagram a autorisé pendant plusieurs semaines n’importe qui d’assez malin à changer l’adresse e-mail associée à un compte. Les propriétaires légitimes se retrouvaient donc « enfermé·es dehors », incapables de se connecter à leur compte et de reprendre la main.
Une vidéo montrant des centaines de migrants franchissant une clôture à la frontière espagnole, datée au 30 mai 2026, est devenue virale. Sur X, des internautes, Elon Musk en tête, demandent à Grok, l’IA de la plateforme, de la vérifier. Mais le chatbot confirme à tort sa date : ces images, sorties de leur contexte, datent en réalité de 2022.
L’essor de l’intelligence artificielle générative risque de renforcer le pouvoir sur nos vies d’une poignée d’entrepreneurs « technofascistes » alertent Lou Welgryn et Théo Alves Da Costa, spécialistes de l’informatique et animateurs de l’association Data for good.
The injured teenage survivor of a January 2025 shooting at a Nashville, Tennessee high school recently sued the manufacturer of an “AI gun detection” system that failed to detect the handgun that left two dead, including the shooter.
This declaration calls for action to address the challenges posed by the use of artificial intelligence within mathematics research. It is the result of a community initiative and is endorsed by the International Mathematical Union (IMU).
Opposed to using AI for her software-engineering job, Erin Maus secured something of a miracle from her employer : a religious exemption.
Un rapport de l’Université des Nations unies chiffre pour la première fois l’empreinte carbone, hydrique et foncière de l’intelligence artificielle. Les chiffres donnent le vertige : 945 TWh d’électricité projetés en 2030, 9 300 milliards de litres d’eau, 14 500 km² de terres. Et chaque prompt que vous envoyez y contribue.
A new law will aim to use artificial intelligence to boost efficient use of power as electricity demand threatens to overwhelm Europe’s grids.
Face à l’aggravation de la crise économique en Syrie, le travail à la maison s’est imposé comme une stratégie de survie pour les femmes. Elles transforment ainsi des savoir-faire traditionnels tels que la cuisine, le crochet et la pâtisserie en sources de revenus.
Cela faisait quinze ans qu’elle se battait, et elle a enfin obtenu gain de cause. Le cinéaste Wim Wenders a (enfin) accédé à la requête de l’actrice allemande Nastassja Kinski, qui réclamait le retrait des circuits de diffusion de Faux Mouvement, sorti en 1975. En cause ? Une scène du film où elle apparaît en culotte et seins nus, alors qu’elle n’est âgée que de 13 ans. Nastassja Kinski affirme qu’elle n’avait pas été préparée à devoir se déshabiller et que sa mère, absente à ce moment du tournage, n’avait pas donné son consentement à cette scène de nudité.
“Marjane Satrapi died of sadness a little over a year after the death of Mattias Ripa, her husband and the love of her life,” they said in a statement sent to AFP.
Le parquet de Paris a déclaré faire appel de cette décision, estimant que “des actes d’investigations complémentaires” sont nécessaires.
Les deux Français participeront à des missions différentes, l’une en direction de la Station spatiale internationale (ISS) et l’autre à destination de la station spatiale commerciale Haven-1, fondée par le milliardaire des cryptomonnaies Jed McCaleb.
« On avait réussi à établir un rapport de force via notre capacité à réglementer, donc affaiblir nos normes aujourd’hui revient à nous affaiblir nous-mêmes sur le plan géopolitique. » […] Demeure toutefois un obstacle de taille : de LFI au RN, les parlementaires eux-mêmes ont recours aux data brokers pour se faire (ré)élire.
Le principe des mythes est d’avoir la vie dure. Celui des demandeureuses d’emploi qui profitent de leur indemnisation et attendent la dernière minute avant de se remettre à chercher un boulot est particulièrement inoxydable. Et tant pis si, d’études en études, les chiffres prouvent le contraire.
Pour renverser le récit du « grand remplacement » distillé par l’extrême droite, le fondateur de La France insoumise a insisté sur la nécessité « d’incarner la nouvelle France, celle du grand remplacement, celle de la génération qui remplace l’autre ».
Les député·es ont adopté le 3 juin une proposition de loi réduisant progressivement la teneur en cadmium dans les aliments. Ce minerai toxique est massivement présent dans les sols et l’alimentation.
Voir aussi Première victoire contre le cadmium pour réduire drastiquement l’exposition des français·es (lareleveetlapeste.fr)
La proposition de loi prévoit d’abaisser dès 2027 les seuils de la teneur en cadmium dans les engrais phosphatés, avec une réduction progressive : un seuil à ne pas dépasser de 40 mg/kg d’anhydride phosphorique (P₂O₅) dès le 1er janvier 2027 et un seuil de 20 mg/kg dès le 1er janvier 2030.
Un siècle après l’âge d’or minier vendéen, le sous-sol du département intéresse de nouveau l’industrie […] l’État vient de retenir une entreprise pour un projet de recherche d’antimoine, un métalloïde très utilisé dans l’électronique. Mais de nombreuses étapes restent à franchir avant une éventuelle exploitation, à 50 kilomètres au sud-est de Nantes.
Maux de tête, nausées… Les émanations de gaz liées aux échouements d’algues puantes en Martinique et en Guadeloupe poussent les écoles à fermer ou à aménager leurs cours. Le problème, récurrent, s’enlise.
Emmanuel Grégoire évoque 17 000 enfants qui mangeront chaque jour gratuitement dans les collèges, écoles et jardins d’enfances de la capitale.
Première publication des données chiffrées des déplacements à Paris en 2025 consacrées aux déplacements et aux circulations douces : piétons et vélos.
La France, comme une partie de l’Europe, connaît fin mai 2026 une vague de forte chaleur. Mais cet épisode est minimisé dans des publications foisonnant sur les réseaux sociaux, dont les auteurs affirment qu’il n’a rien d’exceptionnel et que des phénomènes similaires auraient déjà eu lieu, notamment en 1922, 1945 ou bien encore 1947. Certains vont jusqu’à dénoncer une “manipulation” de la part des médias, qui dramatiseraient la situation. Mais la vague de chaleur actuelle est bien inédite, de par sa précocité, sa durée et son intensité, soulignent les spécialistes.
Depuis 2024, les sages-femmes sont autorisées à pratiquer des IVG par aspiration à l’hôpital. Dans un cadre souvent misogyne, elles doivent se battre pour leur place tout en maintenant la qualité de la relation avec leurs patientes.
Sur les réseaux sociaux, les internautes sont agacés par une photo des bleus en bleu et des bleues… en rose.
55 000 euros d’amende ! Après avoir critiqué l’arbitrage d’Ana Carvalho, estimant que « ce genre de match doit être arbitré par un homme », le tennisman Adolfo Daniel Vallejo a été sanctionné par la Fédération française de tennis et Roland-Garros. Il a présenté ses excuses.
C’est un sketch. À quel moment tu es tellement insecure dans ta vie que tu estimes que toutes les filles en couple qui vont à la salle de sport avec un legging ne sont pas fidèles ? »
Parce que plaire et se taire fait partie des attendus de la beauté, qui est à la fois une façon de mesurer sa valeur (éphémère) sur le marché et un motif permanent d’anxiété. Une idée propre à la culture du viol veut que derrière un non se cache toujours un oui. C’est une dissonance cognitive au plus haut niveau, comme les publicités qui façonnent nos esprits pour qu’on désire ce qui nous fait du mal.
Des membres du collectif #NousToutes ont manifesté devant le théâtre Edouard VII à Paris, juste avant une représentation de la pièce « Deuxième partie » qui a finalement été annulée.
La France est mise en cause devant la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme par une femme victime de diffusion de captations vidéo de son viol. Face à la Cour, elle dénonce la décision de la Justice française ne pas qualifier les faits de « traite des êtres humains » et interroge la manière dont l’État a évalué le consentement.
Le profil du principal suspect dans la mort de la collégienne retrouvée morte jeudi, aurait pu attirer l’attention des autorités judiciaires. Il avait fait l’objet deux plaintes en 2022 et 2025 pour viol sur des mineures – la première classée sans suite sur une enfant de 7 ans et la seconde toujours « en cours ». À ces plaintes s’ajoutent un signalement en 2017 pour une « relation » avec une mineure de 17 ans, une procédure de licenciement en 2020 après une « relation inappropriée avec une lycéenne » et, plus récemment, un signalement en mars dernier pour des agressions sexuelles sur mineures
Voir aussi Affaire Lyhanna : protéger avant qu’il ne soit trop tard, sans renoncer à l’État de droit (theconversation.com)
Après l’enlèvement et le meurtre de Lyhanna, 11 ans, un homme, déjà mis en cause par trois plaintes pour viols sur mineurs, mais jamais condamné, est suspecté.
Deux journalistes de France 24, Nina Masson et Yong Chim, ont été victimes d’une tentative d’intimidation et de censure après une question posée à un acteur sur la tribune anti-Bolloré, qui a agité le festival de Cannes cette année. La direction et la société des journalistes de France 24 dénoncent des faits d’une “gravité inédite”.
Le caractère anxiogène de la plateforme n’est pas un dommage collatéral mais bien une de ses logiques constitutives
aux yeux de l’exécutif, les défaillances, et donc les responsabilités face à ce drame, sont plutôt individuelles. Surtout pas politiques. Avant même les sorties de Gérald Darmanin, le président Emmanuel Macron avait déjà balayé la question des moyens accordés à la justice, en expliquant vouloir « entendre aucun argument » en ce sens.
Voir aussi La proposition choc de Retailleau après l’affaire Lyhanna pour sanctionner les magistrat·es (huffingtonpost.fr)
Affaiblir le Conseil de la magistrature, interdire la syndicalisation : la droite cible les magistrats après la mort de Lyhanna dans le Gers.
Pour préparer la présidentielle 2027, le PS lance « Noûs », un think tank destiné à « réarmer intellectuellement » la gauche sociale-démocrate face à l’extrême droite. L’initiative est cependant entachée d’un paradoxe : sa coprésidente, Julie Martinez, est une ancienne cadre de Palantir, géant américain de la surveillance de masse.
Le Rassemblement national peaufine son propre ChatGPT, un robot conversationnel nourri aux discours, programme et éléments de langage du parti d’extrême droite.
Malgré une interdiction à Paris, les néofascistes du Comité du 9-Mai (C9M) ont fait leur grand rassemblement à Verrières-le-Buisson, en Essonne, sans être appréhendés. Des témoins ont vu des saluts nazis.
Les militant·es d’extrême droite accusent l’évènement de « profaner » les lieux de culte.
Voir aussi Pendant la Nuit Blanche, la maire du Xe Alexandra Cordebard prise à partie, Civitas accusé (huffingtonpost.fr)
Première femme issue de l’immigration élue en France, Régine Komokoli vit et milite à Rennes, dans le quartier populaire de Villejean. Ancienne sans-papiers, survivante de violences conjugales, mère isolée devenue élue locale, elle subit depuis les dernières municipales une vague d’intimidations racistes, sexistes et négrophobes alimentée par l’extrême droite.
À chaque épisode de violences urbaines, le même réflexe : transformer une partie de la jeunesse française en problème collectif. Les commentaires indignés sur les célébrations du PSG dessinent une stigmatisation récurrente des jeunes des quartiers populaires : un racisme qui ne dit pas son nom.
L’intervention disproportionnée de la Ertzaintza lors de l’arrivée des membres de la flottille Global Sumud qui revenaient d’Israël a choqué. Les faits posent encore une fois l’épineuse question du maintien de l’ordre dans la Communauté autonome basque.
un policier qui n’était pas en service a été condamné ce mardi 2 juin à deux ans de prison, dont quatorze mois ferme avec mandat de dépôt, après avoir braqué des automobilistes avec son arme de service près du Pont-Neuf.[…] Ivre au moment des faits, il a expliqué ne plus se souvenir précisément du déroulement de la scène.
Un adolescent de 14 ans a été interpellé non loin de République. Selon sa famille, il aurait été plaqué contre un mur, menotté, insulté et blessé au nez avant d’être placé en garde à vue, puis de passer une nuit au dépôt. Il affirme également avoir subi des pressions après avoir souhaité porter plainte contre les policiers.
À l’appel du syndicat Sud Éducation 93, un rassemblement était organisé ce mardi à Saint-Denis pour dénoncer « l’impunité », selon des professeurs du département, qui protègerait les auteurs de propos ou d’agressions racistes ou sexuels à l’école.
Dénonçant la « pression disproportionnée » que subissent les agriculteurices bénéficiaires du RSA dans le Finistère, la Confédération Paysanne s’est associée à la procédure judiciaire intentée par la CGT contre le président du département. L’organisation pointe des contrôles abusifs qui dissuadent les paysan·nes de recourir à leurs droits.
Le Smic augmente de 2,41 % ce 1er juin. Pourquoi n’est-ce pas le cas de tous les salaires ? À cause de la fable de la « spirale prix-salaires », qui, comme les monstres sous le lit des enfants, fait très peur mais n’existe pas.
Face aux coupes budgétaires, à la montée de l’extrême droite et à la concentration industrielle, des artistes et travailleur·ses de la musique s’organisent. Un appel à faire de la culture un front de résistance politique et collective.
380 artistes, technicien.ne.s, acteurs et actrices culturel.le.s se mobilisent pour défendre le théâtre de Vanves, menacé d’une année blanche et d’un changement radical de politique culturelle de la municipalité.
Le jeudi 18 juin, les syndicats SNJ, SNJ-CGT, CFDT-Journalistes, le SGJ-FO, la Filpac-CGT, le SNPEP-FO, Info’Com-CGT appellent l’ensemble des salariés des médias à rejoindre ce cortège et à se mobiliser collectivement pour combattre les dangers qui menacent l’information, pour refuser les plans sociaux et défendre une information de qualité.
Une première audience aura lieu à Nanterre le 2 juillet, huit ans après la plainte déposée par Halte à l’obsolescence programmée (HOP). L’association reproche notamment au constructeur de réduire à dessein la durée de vie de ses cartouches d’encre.
Voir aussi Epson vs HOP : un premier procès pour obsolescence programmée (next.ink)
À partir de combien est-on trop riche ? La chercheuse belgo-néerlandaise Ingrid Robeyns pose la question dans son essai Limitarianism : The Case Against Extreme Wealth (Allen Lane, 2024). La philosophe et économiste y forge un concept inédit : le limitarisme. Son principe ? Limiter les fortunes individuelles à 10 millions d’euros pour bâtir un monde sans super-riches et combattre les inégalités extrêmes politiquement et moralement insoutenables.
upgrading to Fedora 43 and the newer Dovecot 2.4 mail server unexpectedly exposed what could be an ancient Microsoft Outlook security problem involving unencrypted POP3 connections. If true, some Outlook users may have believed their email sessions were protected by SSL/TLS while the client silently continued using insecure plaintext connections instead.
I tried to explain OpenAI’s solution more clearly than OpenAI did.
Palantir, qui réalise l’essentiel de son chiffre d’affaires aux États-Unis, cherche à gagner de nouveaux clients en Europe, du côté des entreprises comme des gouvernements. Avec souvent le même opératoire : la multinationale profite des situations de crise pour offrir ses services gratuitement, puis enchaîne avec des contrats très lucratifs dont il est de plus en plus difficile de sortir.
On peut tourner et retourner le dilemme dans tous les sens, le plus raisonnable se réduit en une affirmation : l’urgence est celle d’une gauche rassemblée le plus largement possible, autour d’un projet le plus avancé possible, donnant crédibilité au projet d’une rupture avec les choix qui, depuis 1982, l’ont conduite au désastre.
Did you know that the first time terrorists used planes to attack Americans wasn’t on 9/11 or at Pearl Harbor ? It was during the Tulsa Race Massacre of 1921 when white supremacists flew “a dozen planes to drop turpentine or nitroglycerin bombs & men shot from planes.”
En Corée du Sud, les salariés de Samsung menaçaient d’une grève si les bénéfices de l’IA n’étaient pas mieux répartis. Aux États-Unis, ce sont les étudiants qui manifestent leurs craintes face à la concurrence déloyale de l’IA, et rejettent le modèle de société prôné par les patrons de la tech.
À Nantes, une association arpente le Web pour créer du lien avec les travailleuses du sexe qui rencontrent leurs clients par l’intermédiaire d’Internet. Un travail social de longue haleine, en butte aux lois régissant la prostitution.
Après des mois d’une guerre de tranchées juridique, la direction de l’École polytechnique a officiellement capitulé en suspendant son projet de migration vers Microsoft 365. Attaquée par le Conseil National du Logiciel Libre (CNLL), la prestigieuse école de Palaiseau a dû reculer.
Des scientifiques ont découvert une mégacolonie d’abeilles sauvages dont l’existence remonte à plus d’un siècle. Avec plusieurs millions d’individus recensés, cette population hors norme éclaire le rôle discret mais essentiel des espaces urbains préservés.
Dans les eaux chaudes des rivières du Mexique et du sud du Texas nage une espèce de poissons argentés qui ne devrait pas exister. Dans ces eaux, les femelles Poecilia formosa se reproduisent avec des partenaires appartenant à d’autres espèces pas trop différentes d’elles, avant de se débarrasser aussitôt de l’ADN du mâle : sa progéniture ne sera que femelle.
Retrouvez les revues de web précédentes dans la catégorie Libre Veille du Framablog.
Les articles, commentaires et autres images qui composent ces « Khrys’presso » n’engagent que moi (Khrys).
Bonjour à toustes !
Dans une logique de dégafamisation de ma vie numérique, je me suis lancé avec très très peu de connaissances dans la mise en place d’un serveur à la maison à partir de matériaux de récupération.
J’ai donc installé UnRaid sur un vieux MacMini que j’ai réparé. Jusqu’ici, j’ai pu virer Google Drive en mettant en place un serveur Seafile mais maintenant j’aurai besoin de remplacer Google Forms que j’utilise beaucoup pour ma gestion administrative familiale et mon suivi de santé.
En farfouillant, je vois qu’on peut installer Yakforms sur un serveur personnel mais comme je suis très débutant et que je découvre UnRaid, j’aimerai savoir si des personnes ici savent si on peut installer Yakforms sans avoir de version docker, ou comment en créer une pour pouvoir l’installer sur mon serveur ?
Je vous remercie pour votre aide !
1 message - 1 participant(e)
Bonjour,
nous essayons d’utiliser framaforms pour une classe en Allemagne.
Mais le button “soumettre” reste en Francais.
J’ai regardé sur https://weblate.framasoft.org, et la langue allemande est traduite à 100%.
Est-ce que le label “soumettre” est en dur en Francais?
Je suis pret à contribuer si c’est utile.
Yann
1 message - 1 participant(e)
Salut
J’utilise KDE Connect (sous Windows), mais je ne le trouve pas intuitif. J’ai installé Wammu pour le re-tester. il y a quelques années je l’avais testé mais mon tel n’était pas compatible. Depuis j’ai changé. Mais dans les réglages il n’est pas possible de passer par le wifi. Aurais-je raté quelque chose ou c’est vraiment pas possible ??
En plus je n’ai pas vu qu’il faille installé une appli sur le tel, comme avec KDE Connect. Comment Wammu peut se connecter au tel ??
4 messages - 2 participant(e)s
Hi,
I want to change the privacy setting for all the videos in a channel. Is it possible?
6 messages - 3 participant(e)s
By enabling digitized production design, this digital software is freeing up businesses and individuals across numerous industries to work smarter, not harder.
To design a new product or tool is often a lengthy, labor-intensive process. Even the most successful and streamlined physical design process is intensive and iterative by nature; it is the process of taking something that begins as little more than an idea and turning it into reality. Inherently, that is going to take a great deal of translation, as well as trial and error. When working with real-world, physical elements, this also makes for a costly endeavor, as each new trial effort may prove essential to the long-term success of the design, but still has adverse financial effects. Dassault Systèmes offers CAD software to help businesses stay on top of advancements in their industries.
Before digital design software became widely adopted, engineers and designers often relied heavily on hand-drawn technical sketches and manual drafting methods during product development. Revising a design could require redrawing entire sections of a project, making the process both time-consuming and resource-intensive. Modern digital design systems have significantly changed these workflows by allowing teams to make rapid adjustments, automate calculations, and store detailed design information within a single platform. This shift has contributed to the broader adoption of digital tools across industries seeking more streamlined development processes.
Fortunately, though, in this new world of ever-advancing technological tools, the design process doesn’t have to be fraught with issues and obstacles anymore, thanks to systems such as CAD software. This new software is now enabling businesses to design smarter, faster, and more accurately by digitizing product development processes and improving collaboration across engineering and manufacturing teams.
Digital software allows engineers to create precise digital models that can then serve as the foundation for product development. Compare this to the physical alternative, which has long been a well-thought-out sketch of the product in question. Even the most comprehensive of sketches is only going to be dealing with two dimensions, and is likely to leave room for confusion or error based on the interpretation of the subjective rendering.
Timmy G. Robinson Jr., founder and owner of what was once Kentucky’s largest drug addiction treatment company, was criminally indicted Thursday by a federal grand jury on charges of wire fraud and money laundering.
The indictment, filed in the Eastern District of Kentucky, charges Robinson with fraudulently selling millions of dollars of the same IRS tax credit to two companies. Robinson “devised a scheme” to “unlawfully enrich himself” by selling those tax credits to two parties, the indictment says. Robinson is also charged with two counts of money laundering for spending the proceeds of the fraudulent sale.
Robinson has resigned as CEO of ARC, company spokesperson Vanessa Keeton said Thursday. Robinson, 50, founded the company in 2012 after becoming sober and telling people he felt called by God to help people in the state with addiction.
ARC, which at one point operated more than 40 drug treatment centers around the state, has been under FBI investigation for Medicaid fraud since July 2024. That investigation is ongoing, the FBI confirmed on Friday. The Lexington Herald-Leader, in partnership with ProPublica, reported in April firsthand accounts from former ARC employees and clients who said they were told by ARC to falsely bill Medicaid, or witnessed others billing for services that were not actually provided. The company said at the time that it “has never knowingly or fraudulently billed Medicaid for services, and there is no evidence that the organization encouraged employees to falsify group notes for billing purposes.”
Robinson’s attorney, Kent Wicker, said he and his client were surprised to learn an indictment had been placed over a “dispute with some investors that is now pending in a civil courtroom.”
That dispute escalated earlier this year, when ARC was sued by two companies to which Robinson had sold IRS credits, including the Bahamas-based Angelica Capital Trust. But both companies allege that when ARC received the IRS credits, it illegally kept more than $8 million the companies were owed. They allege ARC was refusing to repay the money in part so it could pay a preliminary $28 million settlement with the Department of Justice over alleged Medicaid fraud. Robinson has said he would make payments to creditors upon the sale of the company, which he described in January as imminent.
“To be clear, Mr. Robinson did not defraud anyone, did not gain anything from the transaction at issue, and he has done nothing but deliver high quality care for over a decade to thousands of Kentuckians,” Wicker said in an emailed statement to the Herald-Leader and ProPublica. “We look forward to defending this case in court.”
Starting in 2023, ARC applied for two COVID-19-related tax credits, totalling nearly $7 million.
In July 2025, Robinson sold the rights to the first tax credit to a loan company, the indictment says. Under the agreement, the purchaser would pay ARC $2.7 million in exchange for a future repayment of the tax credit once the IRS funds arrived. Robinson signed that agreement, and later that month the buyer wired ARC the agreed amount.
Soon after, the indictment says, Robinson “devised a scheme” to sell that same credit amount to a second company and in doing so “falsely represented” that the $2.7 million in initial tax credit was available to purchase. “Robinson concealed the prior transactions” to the new buyer, according to the indictment.
In November, Robinson signed an agreement with the second buyer, who sent a wire transfer that included $2.7 million for the twice-sold tax credit.
In December, when the IRS paid ARC the COVID-19 tax refunds, “at Robinson’s direction, ARC spent the ERC [Employee Retention Credit] funds on other operational costs and debt obligations,” the indictment reads.
Keeton declined to comment further on the case, citing pending litigation. However, she said ARC continues to operate normally.
“All facilities, programs, and services remain open and fully operational,” Keeton said in an emailed statement. “Our leadership team, employees, and clinical staff remain committed to delivering high-quality care and support to the individuals and families we serve.”
Robinson faces 20 years in prison and a $250,000 fine, or twice the gain or loss, for the wire fraud count. Each money laundering count carries up to 10 years in prison and a $250,000 fine.
We’re taking a closer look at how ARC treated the people who came to the organization seeking help with their sobriety. If you’re a current or former client or employee, we want to hear from you.
The post Founder of Kentucky Drug Rehab Center Indicted on Fraud and Money Laundering Charges appeared first on ProPublica.
Democratic lawmakers in North Carolina introduced a trio of constitutional amendments this week aimed at protecting traditional powers of the state’s governor and reforming oversight of its court system.
The effort was prompted in part by ProPublica’s reporting, including an investigation that found that over nearly a decade, Republican lawmakers had pushed through law after law shrinking the powers of North Carolina’s governor, always a Democrat during that time.
At a press conference on Wednesday, the bills’ sponsors readily acknowledged that the initiatives are unlikely to pass, at least in the current legislative session: Republicans hold majorities in North Carolina’s House and Senate.
But in proposing the measures as changes to the state constitution, the group of eight Democrats said their goal was to make them less vulnerable to the persistent partisan warfare that has engulfed the narrowly divided swing state.
Republicans “won’t always be in the majority,” said Rep. Phil Rubin, the primary sponsor of one bill. “And when they’re not, they’re going to suddenly think these are great rules. So let’s do them now.”
Republican leaders in the House, Senate and court system did not respond to requests for comment on the bills.
Experts have long maintained that Republican power grabs have thwarted the will of North Carolina voters, removing the Democratic governor’s control or partial control over numerous boards, entities and executive prerogatives and leaving him the nation’s weakest. (Republican officials have defended the shifts, pointing out that voters also elected a GOP legislative majority.)
Rubin’s measure would bar the legislature from stripping away additional gubernatorial powers, as well as block majority leaders from what he called “government by ambush” — springing major legislation on the minority and public without notice.
“ProPublica’s reporting shows the perils of not having this law,” Rubin said. Voters should have “the opportunity to secure their constitution, demand absolute transparency in lawmaking and ensure that people, not backroom deals, have the final say.”
The two other constitutional amendments unveiled this week target aspects of the judicial system.
The first, authored by House Rep. Marcia Morey, would make disciplinary hearings and sanctions by the courts’ internal watchdog, the Judicial Standards Commission, public.
GOP rules currently cloak the commission’s work in secrecy. Behind closed doors, ProPublica revealed, the majority-Republican state Supreme Court quashed the commission’s recommendations that two Republican judges who’d admitted to committing egregious conduct violations be publicly reprimanded. (Spokespeople for the North Carolina Supreme Court and the Judicial Standards Commission declined to comment or respond to a detailed list of questions about the matter.)
Morey’s bill would also change who appoints the commission’s members, a step she called critical to preventing the “weaponization” of its work.
Currently, Republican legislative leaders and Paul Newby, the state’s conservative chief justice, appoint a majority of the commission’s members. As ProPublica has reported, in 2023 Newby encouraged the commission to investigate a Black Democratic justice who’d criticized his decision to effectively shut down a racial equity commission. (Newby, as well as spokespeople for the court and the Judicial Standards Commission, declined to comment for the story.)
Morey’s measure would divide commission appointments equally among the chief justice, the governor and the North Carolina State Bar. “Who makes decisions about discipline and who appoints the decision-makers,” she said, are critical to making the system “fair and effective.”
The second bill, sponsored by Rep. Deb Butler, would disqualify state Supreme Court justices from hearing cases in which family members are parties. Justice Phil Berger Jr. has caused controversy by ruling in multiple cases in which his father, the leader of the state Senate, is a defendant in his legislative capacity. (Berger referred recusal requests on these cases to the Republican majority on the Supreme Court, which ruled he could participate.)
Butler’s measure would also compel justices to disclose more information about large stock transactions, outside sources of income and sponsored travel. A ProPublica investigation found Newby didn’t disclose a trip to a luxurious Hawaiian resort, paid for by a conservative judicial education program. Newby and court spokespeople did not respond to requests for comment about his decision not to disclose the trip.
Butler described her bill as an effort to restore public trust. “People deserve complete confidence in the integrity of their court,” she said.
In the unlikely event that the bills pass, the public would then have the chance to vote on them in November. If not, the sponsors said, they’d revive them in the next session, by which time even some Republican strategists think that a blue wave may have flipped the North Carolina House.
“We’re committed to following through on these bills to ensure fairness and impartiality in our courts and legislature,” Morey said. “This should be the norm, not the partisan bias we have now.”
The post North Carolina Democrats Propose Changes to Block GOP Power Transfers and Secrecy appeared first on ProPublica.
Je viens de créer un sondage de date avec (la nouvelle mouture de) Framadate.
J’ai utilisé l’option “Appliquer les mêmes horaires à toutes les dates” et j’ai mis des horaires.
Mon sondage se retrouve avec les horaires que j’ai choisi mais aussi avec une option “journée” que je n’ai absolument pas rentrée. Qu’est-ce qui quoi ?
2 messages - 1 participant(e)
As a society, our reliance on technology has never been greater. From banking and shopping to remote work and healthcare, we have access to information in an instant. As good as technology is at helping us with daily tasks, it also comes with risks.
Cybersecurity is no longer a concern for IT departments in a business. It is a necessity for both businesses and individuals to stay protected online. As our use of technology continues to grow, so too does the sophistication and frequency of cyber threats. From financial fraud and identity theft to large-scale data breaches, the risks are real and becoming more common.
With data breaches and security threats becoming more frequent, sophisticated, and on a larger-scale, building a secure digital defence is a top priority for everyone.
Australia faces an unprecedented wave of cyber incidents every day. In the 2024–25 financial year, the Australian Signals Directorate’s Australian Cyber Security Centre (ACSC) responded to over 1,200 cybersecurity incidents alone. A staggering 11% increase from the previous financial year. With attackers becoming more organised, better funded, and highly strategic in who they target.
Financially motivated attacks (scams) are the number one cyber-attack, with ransomware and cyber extortion now among the most common cyber incidents responded to by security firms. Industries such as financial services, healthcare, and critical infrastructure are becoming prime targets for hackers.
Now, with the rise of artificial intelligence, AI-powered threats are making it a global issue. Phishing emails generated by AI, deepfakes, and attacks that evolve to evade detection are becoming commonplace.
Data is one of the most valuable assets in the dark corners of the web, where a single click on a malicious link can compromise entire systems. For businesses, this includes customer information, intellectual property, and financial records. For individuals, it’s personal identity, communications, and digital footprints.
A data breach can have serious consequences, and businesses face legal penalties, regulatory scrutiny, and a loss of customer trust that can take years to rebuild, if at all. In Australia, compliance with privacy laws such as the Privacy Act 1988 means businesses have a legal obligation to protect personal information.
For individuals, compromised data can lead to identity theft, unauthorised transactions, and long-term financial harm. The emotional toll should not be underestimated either. Recovering from cybercrime can take a long time to get over.
Business leaders must prioritise cyber security and see it as an investment rather than an added cost. An investment in cybersecurity not only protects data and assets but also increases business credibility and customer confidence.
Many modern businesses are using cloud-based systems, remote work environments, and integrated technologies. While these innovations offer incredible flexibility and efficiency, they also introduce new vulnerabilities. Without proper safeguards in place, these systems can become entry points for attackers.
Implementing cybersecurity into company culture is essential. This includes providing regular staff training, setting up strong access controls, and maintaining up-to-date security systems.
A master of cybersecurity offers advanced knowledge and real-world experience. This course gives qualified staff the skills they need to protect digital assets and keep networks secure.
Both individuals and business owners can take important steps to strengthen their cybersecurity.
For Individuals:
For Businesses:
By implementing these steps, and being aware of the risks online, you can significantly reduce your chances of falling victim to a cyber-attack.
Cybersecurity is no longer the stuff of science fiction; it is an integral part of modern life. As technology evolves, so too does the frequency and sophistication of cyber threats. While developing technologies like artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things (IoT), and blockchain offer exciting opportunities, they also present new security challenges that individuals and businesses must be prepared to face.
Whether you are running a business or managing your personal online presence, the need for data protection and security systems has never been greater. This makes ongoing education and skill development essential.
Cybersecurity specialists are in high demand, and the industry offers rewarding employment opportunities for those with the necessary skills and qualifications.
The post Building a Digital Fortress: Why Cyber Security Matters More Than Ever appeared first on IT Security Guru.
Ravi de découvrir une alternative libre à Tricount, que j’utilise depuis quelques années mais dont la dérive commerciale récente ne me plaît guère.
J’ai donc testé Framacount, et me permets les trois souhaits d’amélioration suivants :
1. Dans l’onglet “statistiques”, pouvoir visualiser non seulement mes dépenses (en tant qu’utilisateur actif), mais également celles de tous les participants (afin de pouvoir communiquer à chacun le coût total pour lui de l’activité réalisée). L’idéal serait un tableau donnant le coût pour chacun(e).
2. Permettre de saisir des dépenses réglées par plusieurs personnes. Exemple : un groupe de 10 personnes, nous allons au restaurant, la note s’élève à 532 €. En fonction des espèces dont chacun dispose, 4 personnes mettent chacune 100 €, la cinquième 132 € (indépendamment de la répartition ultérieure, je ne parle ici que du paiement). Actuellement dans Framacount il faut saisir 5 dépenses séparées, fastidieux.
3. Dans les “catégories” de dépenses, il manque le thème “Hébergement” (Hôtel, location d’appart, etc.).
Merci d’avance
Hello,
pour favoriser le covoiturage au sein de notre association, nous voulons mettre en place une carte (Framacarte) localisant les membres.
Seulement, pour la simplicité d’usage, la carte comportera l’adresse précise et le numéro de téléphone de chaque membre. Nous voulons évidemment garder ça en privé au sein de l’association (même si on connaît les limites de cet aspect “privé”, mais c’est assumé).
Est-ce possible ?
Si oui, comment cela se passe pour l’accès à la carte ? Un simple mot de passe ?
Merci beaucoup.
3 messages - 2 participant(e)s
If Eric Murphy loses his primary election on June 9, he believes he already knows one reason why.
Last year, the North Dakota state representative, a Republican, tried to expand the window of pregnancy in which women could access abortion. The state legislature had banned it for almost everyone from the moment of conception.
Tied up in court, the ban hadn’t yet gone into effect. But Murphy wanted to lock in a less restrictive law, making abortion accessible up to 15 weeks and even later for women whose doctors deemed it a medical necessity.
To convince his fellow legislators, he read out loud from two ProPublica stories about women in Texas who died without lifesaving care. “Physicians felt compelled to follow the law,” he said in a hearing, “and both women died so that an inane law could be followed.”
A conservative colleague had warned him not to file the bill, Murphy told ProPublica, recalling the man’s words: “I can no longer protect you from who’s going to come after you.”
There was some truth to that sentiment.
At least four Republican state lawmakers who challenged severe abortion restrictions lost support from anti-abortion groups and key party allies and went on to lose primary elections, ProPublica found.
The blueprint in those races was remarkably similar. Opponents either embraced stricter abortion policies or avoided the issue altogether. Anti-abortion organizations campaigned against the incumbents, party endorsements shifted to their opponents and activists worked to turn out voters in low-participation primary elections.
In some of the races ProPublica examined, lawmakers who replaced abortion-ban reformers went on to support even stricter abortion legislation. In South Carolina, for instance, two new senators supported a bill to eliminate almost all exceptions to the state’s abortion ban. One provision of the bill would send women convicted of illegally terminating their pregnancies to jail.
Murphy is one of at least two Republican state lawmakers now facing a contested primary after trying to modify their states’ abortion restrictions. Richard Briggs, a state senator from Tennessee, is also fighting to keep his seat. In 2019, Briggs voted for the state’s so-called trigger law — a ban that would snap into place if the federal right to abortion was ever overturned.
But he had second thoughts after that actually happened. A cardiothoracic surgeon, Briggs realized the newly activated law didn’t provide adequate protections for patients having medical complications. “As a medical doctor, I drew the line,” he said in an interview. He introduced bills for a clearer medical exception and protection for doctors who intervened in cases where a fatal fetal anomaly risked the mother’s health.
The latter bill failed and now serves as ammunition for the challenger vying for his seat in the state’s Aug. 6 primary. “My opponent consistently works to weaken Tennessee’s pro life laws,” Kent Morrell says on his campaign website, noting that Tennessee Right to Life had revoked its endorsement of Briggs.
Murphy, who teaches biomedical sciences at the University of North Dakota’s medical school, ultimately did not succeed at reforming the state’s ban. His bill failed 87-6, and the state Supreme Court later reinstated the original ban, which forbids abortion from conception, with exceptions for rape and incest up to six weeks and to save the life of the mother.
The first time Murphy ran for election, his county’s Republican Party had endorsed him. Not this time. Instead, the party endorsed his two challengers, including Jill Chandler, the executive director of a “crisis pregnancy center” who believes abortion should be banned from conception.
She told ProPublica she happened to be present in the committee room when Murphy made the case for his bill. “To know that he was an endorsed Republican candidate from my district and one that I had voted for because of that endorsement was eye-opening,” she said. “I remember thinking, ‘This can never happen again.’”
It was not the first time either Briggs or Murphy had taken positions that aggravated members of their parties in legislatures that have taken sharp turns to the right. Murphy voted against book bans and private school vouchers. Briggs had urged the public to get COVID-19 shots and has said that medical expertise should trump politics in decisions that involve public health.
Briggs expressed confidence in his election chances; he feels that voters agree with the decisions he’s made and noted that his Republican colleague, Sen. Becky Duncan Massey, survived a primary challenge over her support for abortion-ban exceptions.
Murphy believes the “silent majority” supports the intent of his abortion bill, but primary races historically have low turnout. It could come down to a handful of votes, he said.
“I might lose an election over this,” Murphy said, “but would I rather win an election by not doing the right thing?”
Mary DuBuisson, a former state Republican representative in a suburb outside of New Orleans, considers herself passionately “pro-life.” Like Briggs, she voted for her state’s near-total abortion ban in 2019. Three years later, just before Louisiana’s trigger law was implemented, it came before the legislature again.
Recognizing that women would now have to live under the restriction, DuBuisson wanted to make sure victims of rape and incest could terminate their pregnancies. When her colleagues refused to include those exceptions, she became the only Republican to vote against the ban.
A year later, she caused a stir when she sponsored a bill that would have allowed women whose pregnancies were not viable to end them. “To force a woman to carry to term with zero chance of survival is heartless and cruel,” she said at the time.
She didn’t feel it would be controversial. Other Republican women in the House told her she was doing the right thing. But when it was time to vote, another female Republican state lawmaker made a motion that ultimately succeeded at killing the bill in committee. “I mean, I just couldn’t understand,” she said of all her colleagues. “What if this was you, your daughter or granddaughter?”
When she came up for reelection, her primary opponent latched onto her record. Brian Glorioso was an attorney she had handily defeated in 2018. He called her proposed legislation a leftist attempt to circumvent the state’s abortion ban and said any “pro-abortion” doctor would falsely deem a pregnancy nonviable in records just to perform the procedure.
She beat him in the Oct. 14, 2023, primary by 384 votes — not enough to avoid a runoff.
Then, he got some extra support.
On Oct. 16, Louisiana Right to Life told its followers this runoff was key. Glorioso was expected to have a 100% “pro-life” voting record, while DuBuisson’s was 77%.
On Oct. 27, the state’s new governor-elect, Republican Jeff Landry, endorsed him, citing issues other than abortion; he wouldn’t tell ProPublica whether DuBuisson’s record on it played a role. But Landry, who had defended the state’s ban as attorney general, made clear during his campaign that he was “an unwavering defender of life, especially in the face of adversity,” citing his 100% rating from a national anti-abortion group.
“I think it partially cost me my election,” DuBuisson said of her attempts to reform the ban.
History repeated itself the following year, this time in South Carolina.
Three state senators — all Republicans who consider themselves “pro-life” — worked across party lines to defeat an abortion bill that essentially banned the procedure from conception and eliminated rape and incest exceptions. At the time, the state allowed abortion up to 20 weeks.
Sens. Sandy Senn and Penry Gustafson spoke out against limitations on abortion access for victims of rape and incest. Sen. Katrina Shealy, who had the longest tenure for a woman in the state legislature, pushed for making abortion accessible up to 12 weeks and later for exceptions in cases involving rape, incest and fatal fetal anomalies. Ultimately, a six-week window with rape, incest and fatal fetal exceptions became law.
Amid the Statehouse showdown, they were nicknamed the “Sister Senators.” All lost their county GOP’s endorsement to their male opponents.
But the bigger repercussions came from anti-abortion groups that mobilized a multifront grassroots campaign against them. Students for Life Action announced that it generated “37,000 pieces of mail, almost 130,000 personal text messages, more than 51,000 phone calls and thousands of doors knocked” to unseat the trio.
“All three of them got voted out — every single one of them lost because of that decision,” said Dr. Matthew Clark, the executive director of Personhood South Carolina, which believes abortion shouldn’t exist at all and that women who have them should be prosecuted for murder.
Clark, an allergist and Presbyterian pastor, said his group’s desired legislation has a better chance to advance now that the Sister Senators have been replaced.
Matt Leber, who beat Senn, previously co-sponsored a bill as a member of the state House that would make abortion a crime equivalent to homicide. It failed to advance, and Leber withdrew his name as a co-sponsor amid a controversy surrounding it in 2023.
This legislative session, Leber and Carlisle Kennedy, who beat Shealy, supported a bill that carries misdemeanor criminal penalties for women seeking abortions, with jail time up to two years. Senate Bill 1095 passed with supermajority support out of a committee Leber sits on.
The bill died before the session, but watchers of abortion restrictions noticed it got further than any other similarly repressive legislation ever has.
The outcomes do not neatly match public polling. Surveys in states such as South Carolina and Louisiana have found that many Republican voters support at least some exceptions to abortion bans, including in cases of rape or threats to a woman’s health.
But primary elections often draw only a small share of eligible voters, giving outsized influence to highly engaged activists and organized interest groups.
DuBuisson’s runoff drew about one-third of registered voters. Participation in the South Carolina primaries was lower still. Some races were decided on tiny margins; Senn lost hers by 33 votes.
The North Dakota GOP has moved further to the right on abortion in recent years, even as polling suggested the state’s restrictions were losing support from Republican voters. At its 2026 convention, the party passed a resolution rejecting any policies that “normalize” abortion.
North Dakota is one of the few states with a multimember system, where two representatives and one senator govern together in the same district. District 43, which Murphy currently represents, is one of the only purple districts in an otherwise deeply red state. It includes part of Grand Forks, a growing college town home to the University of North Dakota.
Murphy’s fellow representative, Democrat Zac Ista, told ProPublica he hadn’t been able to make a dent in this legislature. He announced he wouldn’t be seeking reelection, opening up an opportunity for a Republican takeover of the district.
Ista said the lack of support rallying around Murphy is due to his position on abortion, as well as culture-war legislation he refused to support. “I think it’s illustrative of that schism, where at this district level, Republicans are really trying to sort of press the most extreme conservative opinions,” Ista said.
Richard Glynn, the GOP county chair in Murphy’s district, had previously supported Murphy’s abortion bill. In written testimony, Glynn shared his experience hearing about young women performing illegal abortions when he was a freshman at the University of South Dakota in 1966. Four young women who were in sororities died from using metal hangers to terminate their pregnancies, he wrote.
“These deaths were viewed as preventable if these girls could have received competent care. Unfortunately, North Dakota is going down the same path with limited access to obstetric care that negatively impacts the health of the woman,” his letter said.
When reached by phone, Glynn said delegates in the county voted and Murphy had the least amount of votes, which is why he did not receive the county’s endorsement.
Glynn declined to answer more questions before hanging up on a reporter.
One of Murphy’s opponents, Mike Holmes, has drawn a lot of excitement — and an endorsement from Gov. Kelly Armstrong — for his expertise in energy technology and industrial development. The governor said Holmes understands “what it takes to keep North Dakota’s economy strong.” Holmes has been silent on abortion and didn’t respond to ProPublica’s requests for an interview.
Chandler, who touted her “respect for life” in a campaign mailer, is favored among anti-abortion groups. “It’s a pretty stark contrast,” said Bridget Turbide, executive director of North Dakota Right to Life, who called Murphy’s proposal “the most extreme pro-choice bill we’ve ever seen.”
Citizens Alliance of North Dakota, a conservative group that opposes abortion among other causes, paid for a mailer calling Chandler a “champion of family values.” The same group marked Murphy in “bad standing” in an online roster of legislators, questioning his alignment with North Dakota values.
Murphy’s third colleague who also represents District 43, Republican State Sen. Jeff Barta, campaigned alongside him in 2022 as part of a unified Republican ticket when the primary election was uncontested.
Asked about the upcoming race and the candidates, Barta pointed to Murphy’s proposal that would have expanded abortion access in North Dakota.
“Last session, he introduced House Bill 1488, which created a little divide there,” Barta said.
Barta said Murphy has also broken with the party on other issues.
“That probably opened the door for the third candidate to run,” Barta added. Had that not happened, Murphy would have made it to the general election without having to defend his spot on the ballot.
Before the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, lawmakers taking such nuanced stands on abortion bans may not have risked a career death sentence, said abortion historian and law professor Mary Ziegler.
“The kind of incrementalism that Eric Murphy seems to be doing is something from a bygone era, where people were more pragmatic in the movement and not punished for it,” she said.
The post These Republican Lawmakers Challenged Abortion Bans. Then They Faced Backlash. appeared first on ProPublica.
The GNOME project continues refining one of its most frequently used applications: GNOME Files (formerly known as Nautilus). Recent development efforts have focused heavily on improving the file manager’s search capabilities, making it easier to locate documents, media files, and folders across increasingly large storage volumes.
For many Linux users, file search has become one of the most important daily workflows. As personal data collections grow and SSDs make local storage faster than ever, GNOME developers are investing in tools that help users find information more quickly and efficiently. GNOME Files already relies on indexing technologies such as Tracker (now GNOME LocalSearch) to deliver fast results, and recent improvements are building on that foundation.
One of the most noticeable improvements is a redesigned search interface that makes searching feel more integrated into the overall file management experience.
Recent GNOME development previews introduced:
These refinements reduce the number of clicks required to narrow down results and help users locate files without leaving their current workflow.
Search filters have become increasingly important as users store larger collections of documents, images, videos, and audio files.
GNOME Files has been expanding its filtering capabilities, allowing users to narrow searches more effectively based on:
Earlier updates expanded support for additional audio and video file formats, making it easier to locate multimedia content directly from the search interface. This is particularly useful for users managing large media libraries.
Fast search results are just as important as accurate ones.
GNOME Files continues leveraging the GNOME indexing framework to provide near-instant search results while minimizing system overhead. The file manager works closely with the LocalSearch indexing service to locate files quickly without repeatedly scanning entire drives.
This approach provides several benefits:
For desktop users who frequently work with thousands of files, these performance gains can significantly improve productivity.
Saviez-vous qu'avec #PeerTube vous pouvez transférer la propriété de vos vidéos à quelqu'un d'autre ?
C'est à la fois simple et rapide ! ⚡
Notez que le compte qui reçoit la vidéo doit accepter le transfert.
👉 https://docs.joinpeertube.org/use/library#change-ownership-of-a-video
Ateliers d'écriture #Solarpunk à l'UTC de Compiègne : imaginer un monde #LowTech en 2042 autour du projet #UPLOAD (Université Populaire Libre, Ouverte, Accessible et Décentralisée).
Dans ce cadre, #Framasoft participe à la conférence #Archipel (6-9 juil. à Compiègne) pour y co-animer un atelier d’écriture solarpunk.
Inscription obligatoire avant le 12 juin : https://archipel.scenari-community.org/organisation/
Pour en savoir plus: https://framablog.org/2026/06/04/archipellisation-solarpunk/
Depuis 2024, Framasoft participe à l’animation d’ateliers d’écriture solarpunk à l’Université de Technologie de Compiègne pour imaginer un monde low-tech en 2042 autour de la future UPLOAD de Compiègne.
L’action se déroule sur le territoire de la Commune Libre de Compiègne, et plus précisément dans le cadre de l’Upload, l’Université Populaire Libre Ouverte Accessible et Décentralisée, une fédération internationale de lieux autonomes, destinés à la formation et à la recherche, confrontés aux défis d’un monde en effondrement économique et technologique, soumis à des crises écologiques et des conflits internationaux, mais ouverts à l’invention de nouveaux modes de vivre ensemble et de nouveaux rapports aux autres vivants et non-vivants. (voir notre annonce en 2024).
Pendant une semaine, des élèves ingénieurs s’adonnent à l’écriture de fiction pour penser un autre rapport à la technologie, avec des pratiques pédagogiques originales pour elleux dans leur formation, issues de l’éducation populaire, comme le débat mouvant ou l’arpentage (proposé autour de pizzas ou de lasagnes pour les appâter). Ils finissent par faire lecture d’un extrait de leur travail en direct à la radio Graf’hit.
Contenu de la semaine de cours sous licence libre CC BY SA sur librecours.net
Une partie des textes est retravaillé chemin faisant / a posteriori et est publié sur https://punkardie.fr/upload/ également sous licence CC BY SA.
Un premier recueil de textes basé sur ces productions (placées sous licence libre) est d’ailleurs en préparation en partenariat avec C&F édition, nous vous en reparlerons prochainement.
Aller écouter l’annonce enregistrée et diffusée sur la radio Graf’Hitt
Et ce mois de juillet, toujours dans le cadre du partenariat avec l’UTC, Framasoft participera à la conférence Archipel à Compiègne, à l’UTC, du 6 au 9 juillet.
Archipel est une communauté de recherche francophone transdisciplinaire sur les enjeux de l’Anthropocène (limites planétaires, risques systémiques, leviers d’action) au sein de laquelle des rencontres et conférences sont organisées accueillant symposiums de recherche et ateliers. SI le programme vous semble impressionnant, il s’agit néanmoins d’un événement ouvert à toutes et tous, absolument pas réservé aux universitaires, chercheurs ou chercheuses.
Dans ce cadre, Framasoft, participera à un atelier autour de l’économie sociale et solidaire le mercredi 8 et co-animera un atelier d’écriture solarpunk le jeudi 9 juillet, qui présentera le genre solarpunk et l’univers UPLOAD. Comme les étudiants et étudiantes, les participants seront invité·es à plancher à leur tour sur des contributions afin d’imaginer un futur désirable, autour de thématiques proposées.
Le programme de la conférence Archipel : https://archipel.scenari-community.org/programme/co/0_programme.html
Pour pouvoir participer :
Il est obligatoire de s’inscrire en tant que participant·e à la conférence :
https://archipel.scenari-community.org/organisation/
(au plus tard le 12 juin ! )
They were pillars of their church, congregants in a little-known denomination that sets itself apart from the world and teaches that even the most unconscionable acts can be wiped away — not just forgiven, but forgotten and never spoken of again.
So it went in a rural Wyoming church, where a man was accused of sexually abusing young girls hundreds of times in the pews during Sunday services. Though the preacher knew of the abuse, he never reported it to police, local prosecutors said. Instead, he told the man to seek therapy.
In Minnesota, a man from the same faith admitted that he began entering the bedrooms of his daughter and son at night around the time each of them turned 12. He and his siblings grew up in the church and were sexually abused themselves, and then he repeated the abuse with his own children.
And in Washington state, preachers knew a member of their congregation had sexually abused several young boys. Instead of reporting him to police, they allowed him to ask for forgiveness, according to a family member, and he continued to sexually abuse children. He was later found guilty of raping the 9-year-old son of a church member and sentenced to life in prison.
The abusers and victims all belonged to the Old Apostolic Lutheran Church, or the OALC, a Scandinavian-rooted revivalist church that teaches its followers that heaven is reserved just for them. To get there, according to current and former members, they must follow a strict doctrine, which emphasizes asking for forgiveness for their sins and says that being forgiven by a fellow church member washes away those sins.
What’s more, the church teaches that once a perpetrator is forgiven, anyone who speaks about the wrongdoing — including the victim — can be accused of harboring an unforgiving heart. Those who have left the church, as well as some who are still with it, say this means the burden of sin shifts from the person who committed the act to the person who refuses to let the matter rest.
Sexual abuse survivors say these rituals have created a culture where allegations of abuse are resolved outside of the criminal justice system and the victims must bear their pain alone or risk going to hell. In some families, sexual abuse stretches across generations, ensnaring a parent, child and grandchild.
“This is what I would call institutionalism of abuse of young women and children,” said DaNece Day, the prosecuting attorney for Crook County in Wyoming, whose office has charged two OALC members in the past two years.
Day and other prosecutors said one of the biggest obstacles to breaking the cycle is the way church members move among congregations spread across the U.S. and Canada, often hundreds of miles apart but tightly bound by large, multigenerational family networks.
Last fall, ProPublica and the Minnesota Star Tribune reported that preachers in Minnesota had known for years about allegations that one of its members, a man named Clint Massie, had sexually abused young girls in the congregation. But instead of reporting it to police, church leaders urged some of the victims to take part in sessions where they were brought face-to-face with Massie and encouraged to forgive the abuse.
Now, new reporting by the two news organizations shows how the sexual abuse of children in the OALC, as well as the failure by church leaders to report it to authorities, is a persistent and national problem.
Some current and former OALC members are calling on elders from what the church regards as its mother congregation in Sweden — where the church originated — to intervene. In fact, those elders, who don’t have authority over the American church but wield considerable influence, are coming to the U.S. and Canada this summer to meet with congregations. What they’ll find are a growing number of criminal cases against church members and increasing legal scrutiny of leaders for failing to report allegations of sexual abuse to police.
In a statement, representatives from the Swedish church said the cases are isolated incidents and they didn’t “observe any pattern” among the tens of thousands of members in 34 OALC congregations in the U.S. and Canada. They said sexual abuse should be reported to authorities and that it was possible “some matters have been handled improperly or without sufficient knowledge.” And they acknowledged that church guidelines “are being reviewed with the American missionary pastors in order to ensure compliance.”
Representatives of the OALC in the U.S. and Canada said in an email that they also “do not perceive there to be a general pattern of behavior,” describing sexual abuse as a serious and persistent problem across society. They acknowledged that bringing a victim to face their abuser, as a pastor for the OALC church did with Massie, can be traumatic. But they defended the church’s doctrine of forgiveness, saying it was not a means to conceal wrongdoing or to shield offenders from legal consequences, and no one is coerced to forgive or to ask for forgiveness. If those teachings had been misapplied or misunderstood in some cases, they said, it “does not reflect an error in our doctrine.”
ProPublica and the Star Tribune interviewed 20 people who said they were sexually abused, almost all as children, in OALC communities, along with parents of victims as young as 3. Reporters also traveled to OALC churches around the country and reviewed court and police documents from at least eight cases, along with victims’ statements to local authorities.
Their abusers were family members, other children or men who were trusted to be alone with children because they are part of the same insular faith community. Some victims spoke anonymously for fear of retribution from the church or their own families. Others identified themselves as well as their abusers publicly, unafraid of the repercussions.
Many of those victims said church leaders pressured them to keep quiet. In Minnesota, police records describe a woman telling a young girl that her abuse, which began when she was around 5 or 6 years old, was not a big deal and she “needed to get over it.” In Washington state, a police report notes a woman told law enforcement that her preacher had, for “spiritual reasons,” discouraged her from contacting authorities after her daughter told her she’d been raped by three men from church.
“We’re always told that what the preachers tell us, that’s coming from God,” explained one woman, who said she, too, was told not to speak of her abuse. “Who’s going to argue with that?”
Sexual abuse in the OALC has sometimes been a legacy passed from one generation to the next — hidden, quietly endured, repeated. Lorie Peldo was sexually abused for eight years by her older brother, starting when she was only 2, she said in an interview. A quarter century later, after the memories began to resurface during therapy, Peldo’s mother told her that she’d known about the abuse. But on the advice of her preacher in Battle Ground, Washington, her parents didn’t report the crimes to the police. Instead, they took her brother to a doctor, she said.
Peldo said she eventually confronted her brother, who said that it had haunted him his entire life. She tried to forgive him, she said, but the weight of what he’d done did not lift. She fell into such deep despair that she tried to commit suicide. She said she ended up in a psychiatric hospital. Her brother later died; her parents are also deceased.
It didn’t stop there. On a church road trip, Clint Massie — who was sentenced for child abuse in Duluth, Minnesota, last year — sexually abused Peldo’s daughter, Tonya, when she was 11 and he was a teenager, according to Tonya Peldo’s statements to law enforcement. Peldo’s case was included in the police file involving Massie, but it wasn’t charged criminally, according to a prosecutor, because the statute of limitations had run out. Massie has not responded to repeated requests for comment.
Tonya Peldo told investigators from the St. Louis County Sheriff’s Office in Duluth that she didn’t see Massie again until some two decades later, after she moved to the city and recognized him passing out candy to kids at the church.
She said she told the pastors about what he’d done to her, yet one of the preachers told her to ask Massie for forgiveness, as if she had wronged him. “I was like, ‘No. No!’” she said in an interview. It would be more than a decade before Massie was charged with sexual abuse crimes.
In 2019, Tonya’s daughter was also sexually abused, making her the third generation of Peldo girls to be victims. The daughter was 14 when a 25-year-old relative, Blake Nelson, bought her a pack of cigarettes and then invited her into his trailer in Clark County, Washington, so that he could teach her how to give a massage, according to court records.
Nelson pleaded guilty to charges of communication with a minor for immoral purposes and fourth-degree assault in the case involving Tonya Peldo’s daughter. At his sentencing, Tonya told the judge how church leaders had tried to keep her daughter from reporting the abuse to police. Nelson’s own lawyer, Michele Michalek, said the pastors repeatedly called her law office to insist the case should be handled internally.
“They think that law enforcement shouldn’t be involved,” Michalek said.
A judge in Minnesota commented on the cyclical nature of abuse in 2023, when a man from an OALC family turned himself in to police after repeatedly abusing his son and daughter. At his sentencing, the judge took into account that the man and his siblings, who grew up in the church, had also been victims of child sexual abuse. She said she found it “almost incomprehensible” that the adults in his life didn’t know about the abuse he and his siblings had suffered as children.
“All I can see are the ripples of consequences for you and all of your siblings, who were abused or abusers, and then for your children,” the judge said.
The OALC church is a branch of a broader faith called Laestadianism, a conservative Christian revival movement that began in the mid-1800s in northern Scandinavia. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, as millions of Scandinavians migrated to the U.S., some followers of the Laestadian movement brought with them more than language, traditions and religious devotion.
Alongside the faith came a deeply insular church culture shaped by strict obedience and a doctrine of forgiveness that critics and former members say enabled the concealment of wrongdoing.
One of them was Eija Marttinen. A photo in a newspaper in 1951 shows Marttinen as a little girl wearing a Finnish sailor suit and braids, standing alongside 14 family members and several large suitcases. Her family had just arrived in Nova Scotia from Finland, and they would soon launch Canada’s first Old Apostolic Lutheran Church. In the photo, Marttinen is smiling brightly toward the horizon, as if spellbound by the endless possibilities of a new world.
But even then, at age 9, Marttinen harbored a secret that would be the source of a lifetime of emotional pain. Now 84 and living in Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, she said in an interview that her older brother sexually assaulted her starting when she was 5. Another brother soon started abusing her, too, she said. Both brothers are now dead.
Years later, Marttinen said she came to learn that there were other predators in the church. She kept silent about her abuse for most of her life, fearing she would be forced to forgive and still live with the stigma if she came forward. She only told her own daughter about the extent of the abuse in recent months, after reading the ProPublica and Star Tribune stories.
“They can do whatever they want and you have to forgive them. That’s not right. But you go along because you were brought up in it.
“I wish I wasn’t,” she added.
The Laestadian churches in Scandinavia have faced their own reckonings. From 2009 to 2011, a Finnish child welfare scholar, Johanna Hurtig, documented widespread sexual abuse cases among Finnish church members and found that the concept of forgiveness of sins had been warped into a tool to silence victims.
At first, church leaders were defensive, according to news reports. But they later acknowledged “serious mistakes” in how the church handled sexual abuse, including pressuring victims to forgive offenders instead of reporting them. They urged members to report abuse to police and child welfare authorities.
Several men were convicted in Finnish courts and sentenced to long prison terms.
In 2017, Norwegian police documented 151 cases of rape and abuse, many with child victims, in a remote northern village of some 2,000 people. Following a newspaper investigation, the police said they tied many of the cases to members of Laestadianism, with some incidents dating to 1953. The police found the practice of forgiving and forgetting often led to abuse being considered “settled” internally, effectively silencing victims and protecting perpetrators.
The church’s emphasis on large families has created booms in places like Minnesota, Wyoming and southern Washington. Families rely heavily on one another socially, financially and spiritually while keeping their distance from what members often call “the world” — outsiders and secular influences viewed as dangerous or corrupting. Even ordinary activities like watching TV and dancing are treated as transgressions that must be confessed. One abuse victim said she felt anxious every time she turned on her car radio, fearing that if she listened to a pop song and died in a crash before asking forgiveness, she could go to hell.
Some church members hope the Swedish elders address sexual abuse during their visit, including the mother of a 15-year-old girl who revealed in May 2025 that her father had been abusing her for years. It happened both in Minnesota and after they moved to Washington, according to court records. The mother, according to child protection services reports, said she told her preacher about the abuse.
Authorities did not learn of the allegations until August, when her daughter saw a therapist after weeks of her mother trying to get help through church channels, according to the reports. That visit triggered an investigation by child protection authorities in Washington, who substantiated the complaint. Prosecutors in Minnesota charged the father with criminal sexual conduct, but he hasn’t been charged in Washington. The father has asked the court for a public defender and has not yet entered a plea. He did not respond to voice and text messages seeking comment.
Asked why church officials did not immediately contact law enforcement, a spokesperson for the church declined to answer, saying the case was “complex” and in authorities’ hands. However, he said that, in general, spiritual advisers need to use counselors and other professionals “to determine if there is a reasonable cause to report as dictated by law.”
But the mother said it was she — not the church — who set up the therapy session.
“Their job is to pick up the phone and say, ‘Hi, I’ve got some confusing, conflicting information but I’m concerned for the safety of this person,’” she said. “They don’t have to be investigators, all they need to do is tell somebody.”
The mother said she plans to raise the church’s failure to notify police with elders when they visit this summer. Nonetheless, she plans to remain in the church. Asked why, she said, “Because I want to go to heaven.”
Last summer, in the rural expanse of eastern Wyoming, Moorcroft police drove up the long dirt road leading to the OALC church, a large brick building on the edge of town with a white cross emblazoned under the eaves.
The investigators were looking for records that could verify the membership of a man who several children said had abused them during services. His name was Charles Massie — the brother of Clint Massie, who had pleaded guilty to similar crimes in Minnesota months earlier.
Over 10 years, authorities alleged, Charles Massie had sexually abused at least seven girls. Some of the abuse occurred at his house and some at his businesses, where young girls worked part time. But the vast majority of the abuse occurred at church, according to court documents. Investigators tallied 832 incidents where Massie sat near the girls’ parents, allegedly fondling the girls’ genitals and breasts. One victim, who told the police she was 5 or 6 years old when she was abused by Massie, said that he “raped me with his fingers.”
Wyoming has charged Charles Massie with nine counts of sexual abuse and sexual battery. He is being held in jail in Nebraska, where prosecutors also have charged him in connection with sexual assaults. He has pleaded not guilty in both states. He could not be reached for comment.
When investigators in Moorcroft contacted families of the victims, they learned that the families already knew about the abuse. One had learned of it three years earlier, according to charges. But according to court records, none of them had told the police. Instead, the charges say, the father of some of the victims had told their preacher, David Lindberg, about the abuse in 2024. Charles Massie would later turn himself in, but not for another year.
Day, the top prosecutor in Crook County, Wyoming, said there was “no support” for victims and the church did nothing to punish Charles Massie. “There are no consequences for him,” she said. “He’s allowed to sit in church with them every Sunday, even after they’ve come forward and said, ‘This man has been hurting us.’” She said Charles Massie turned himself in to the Moorcroft police after he admitted to a mental health provider that he had abused children; the provider told him that they would report Massie if he didn’t go to police.
Lindberg disputed the characterization that he did not act when Charles Massie confessed to him. “All I can say is, when I first heard about it, he came to me and he had a problem, so I told him he needs to go get therapy and turn himself in to the police,” Lindberg said. “And he did.”
He referred additional questions to a church spokesperson, Troy Massie, who is a relative of Charles and Clint Massie. In written responses, Troy Massie said the church told Charles to stop attending services after he confessed to Lindberg, though he could listen to services on the phone.
“We continue to improve our efforts as needed to protect all children,” he wrote.
The Wyoming church isn’t the only one to face accusations that it failed to report abusers. In southwestern Washington in 2017, a jury convicted church member Carsie Tikka of raping a 9-year-old boy. But one woman, who was a member of the church at the time, said that years before he was charged, Tikka had assaulted her stepchildren and the leaders had done nothing to stop him. Instead, Tikka asked her family for forgiveness.
After Tikka was convicted at trial, a court-ordered psychiatrist wrote in a report that Tikka had “a history of offending 29 males,” an allegation that Tikka denied in court. At his sentencing, Tikka said his conscience was clean. He said he had already “received the testimony of sins forgiven” by one of God’s disciples.
“You clearly by your statement here are not remorseful,” the judge remarked before sentencing him to life in prison without parole. “You put the blame on everyone else.”
Then Tikka illustrated the central problem facing prosecutors and victims alike — a powerful religious culture that prioritizes spiritual absolution over secular justice — with his final, defiant words:
“My sins have been forgiven,” Tikka told the judge. “Have yours?”
The post In This Church, Child Sexual Abuse Has Gone Unchecked for So Long That It Spans Generations appeared first on ProPublica.
New research by Mitel has revealed a widening gap between AI adoption and enablement, with limited support and low confidence contributing to the rise of Shadow AI and unapproved AI usage. The State of Workforce Communication report found that while workplace communication is mission-critical, tools are misaligned with how teams execute, forcing employees to quietly compensate at measurable cost to productivity, security and service quality.
The global survey of 2,000 IT decision-makers (ITDMs) and desk and frontline employees across diverse industries, including healthcare, public sector, retail, manufacturing, financial services and hospitality, found that nearly two-thirds (63%) of workers feel pressured to “make it work” with systems that are not designed for their needs. This situation creates friction in productivity and service delivery while increasing operational and financial risks associated with limited control over data custody, performance, and business continuity.
In parallel, 93% of ITDMs consider communication tools integral to everyday business operations, yet only 34% of workers say those tools are highly effective. This highlights a gap between how communication tools are deployed and how employees actually work.
Eric Hanson, CMO at Mitel, said: “Organisations are making significant investments in AI, communication infrastructure, and modernisation. Yet more than half of employees report that these tools fall short at the moments that matter most. The challenge is not a lack of technology, but a lack of alignment with the realities of work. In fast-moving, high-pressure, and increasingly mobile environments, communication must be immediate, reliable and context-appropriate – or it risks breaking down precisely when it is needed most.”
While 93% of IT leaders consider communication tools strategically critical, Mitel’s report highlights the complexity of delivering consistent, effective communication across a distributed, mobile, and frontline-driven workforce. 89% of IT leaders acknowledge that some parts of the workforce are better served by communication tools than others. This points to a gap between intention and reality that is reflected in the day-to-day experience of desk and frontline workers. Over six in ten (63%) feel pressured to “make it work” when communication systems are not designed for their needs, reaching 71% for frontline workers.
The research found that teams are relying on an average of seven disconnected tools to complete even routine tasks, potentially leading to ‘tool overload’ and fatigue.
Over half of workers say they waste time switching between communication tools and half of frontline workers feel increased pressure during busy or critical moments.
These inefficiencies extend beyond internal workflows, directly affecting service delivery, operational consistency, and, in some cases, safety. The burden is highest for frontline workers, where communication failures carry greater consequences. 54% of these workers report delays in completing tasks or responding to situations, 46% say that it impacts quality of service, and 35% even report that it creates safety risks for customers, patients, or staff.
These workarounds also introduce significant security risks to organisations. The report reveals that when faced with communication issues, workers are finding their own ways to keep work moving. Over three-quarters (76%) use non-approved communication channels for work-related purposes, increasing risks such as data exposure, compliance breaches, cybersecurity threats and a loss of visibility and control, according to 90% of ITDMs. This behaviour is even more pronounced among frontline workers, who are over twice as likely to use non-approved tools often to respond to their customers and patients quickly and effectively when sanctioned tools fall short.
While business leaders are prioritising AI investments to improve efficiency and modernise operations, adoption across the workforce remains uneven, and many workers feel unsupported. The report highlights that 52% of workers regularly use AI tools, but only 33% feel very comfortable using them in their day-to-day work. At the same time, 66% consider their organisation does not adequately support AI use, introducing a new emerging risk: Shadow AI.
It is evidenced by the fact that half of workers turn to non-approved AI tools, outpacing their organisations as they move to drive functional productivity and operational velocity. In the meantime, IT leaders indicate growing concerns around incorrect or misleading outputs (76%), whether AI use meets regulatory or compliance requirements (75%), and how data is stored, used and protected (75%).
As Sam Soares, CRO of CultureAI, previously told the Guru: “One of the biggest risks facing organisations today is the use of undocumented or unapproved AI tools – or shadow AI – operating on company networks or using company data. These tools are used by employees without organisational oversight, introducing significant security, compliance and operational risks. As the number of AI apps proliferates, it’s an increasingly common occurrence.”
AI is not yet delivering consistent value for the workforce, and managing its pace and risks remains a shared challenge for both IT leaders and workers. Clear guidance, integration, and alignment with existing workflows are needed to reduce complexity and risk rather than add to them.
Messaging platforms remain the preferred choice for everyday collaboration, but voice becomes the most trusted and effective channel in urgent or high-stakes situations, across generations.
Nearly eight in ten workers (79%) rely on voice communication when rapid action and immediate alignment are required, highlighting the enduring value of real-time human interaction in critical moments. The trend is particularly pronounced among healthcare professionals, where communication speed can directly influence operational outcomes and patient care, with 56% adopting a voice-first approach during urgent situations. However, this can create issues as deepfakes and productivity platform based attacks arise.
To address these challenges and close the gap between investment and employee experience, organisations must reconcile two priorities: offering employees the flexibility to choose the communication tools and channels best suited to each situation while ensuring strong standards for security and compliance.
In this context, hybrid infrastructure became the operating reality: 87% of ITDMs already rely on it for their communication tools and 93% confirm that it provides the flexibility and control needed, without unmanageable complexities. This model allows organisations to modernise communication systems while maintaining oversight and stability across increasingly complex environments.
“While there is broad alignment between IT leaders and employees on the need to evolve workforce communication, this research underscores how far most organisations remain from achieving that objective. They must address foundational challenges while navigating increasing technical complexity, heightened security requirements and ongoing modernisation efforts. These dynamics highlight the need for more practical, user-centred approaches, particularly solutions that are seamlessly integrated into everyday workflows across roles and work environments to ultimately drive performance and business outcomes,” said Luiz Domingos, CTO of Mitel.
The post Frontline Workers Twice as Likely to Use Unapproved AI appeared first on IT Security Guru.
Bonjour,
Je suis un utilisateur récent de Framagenda.
Je fonctionne beaucoup avec un code couleur pour repérer en un coup d’oeil les types de RDV dans ma journée.
Depuis la MAJ, ces couleurs sont toutes passées en transparence par défaut (donc couleurs fades et parfois indiférenciables). De plus, mes évenements passés sont encore plus transparents (quasi blanc). Y a t il un paramètre dans mon appli à modifier que je n’aurais pas trouvé afin de repasser cela comme avant ?
Sinon, si je n’ai pas la main sur cela, comment le remonter aux dev ?
Merci à vous =)
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I was a new reporter at KQED in 2021 when former elementary teacher Joseph Brian Houg was sentenced to more than three decades in prison for sexually abusing 10 students. He’d taught at the same San Francisco Bay Area school for more than two decades. Were there warning signs?
I soon discovered parents on social media saying they had complained to school administrators for years about Houg. I also knew that schools could release such complaints if they were substantiated or if teachers were disciplined. So I filed public records requests with Houg’s school — something anyone can do.
I received 43 pages of records within a few months showing that parents had reported Houg to the principal at least four times since 2009. They complained about him for asking students to strip down to their underwear in his classroom in order to try on costumes for a play he was directing, and for coming into their changing room. They also complained about his touching boys’ chests or stomachs and tapping one boy on the butt. I learned that the principal had twice warned Houg to stop touching students. But he was allowed to keep teaching. (The principal said in a deposition that while Houg’s actions crossed professional boundaries, they were not reported to her as sexual.)
Over the next two years, I reported on similar cases of teachers remaining in the classroom after complaints of unwanted touching. Another Bay Area elementary school, in Benicia, reported a teacher to the state’s licensing body after he resigned due to accusations of misconduct. He was hired by another school, and his educator license remained in good standing until he was criminally charged. (He is currently fighting those charges.)
This raised a whole different set of questions for me: Should these teachers have been allowed to keep teaching in new schools? How much about a teacher’s disciplinary history did potential employers know? And what was the state’s responsibility for acting on, and sharing, the information it had about these teachers?
After I entered journalism school at the University of California, Berkeley in 2023, I wanted to investigate how common it was for teachers to continue working with kids after schools found that they had committed misconduct. California law bars the teacher licensing agency from releasing disciplinary records to the public, so my classmate and I requested records from the 300 largest school districts in California. We asked for complaints of teacher sexual misconduct made to schools in the five previous years. We also asked for any reports sent by schools to the state’s teacher licensing agency, which are required to be filed when public school educators are fired or resign due to alleged misconduct.
Dozens of districts responded within two months. We began building a spreadsheet of teachers against whom complaints were raised. Getting the records was slow: California requires public agencies to determine whether they have records to disclose within 10 days, and to release them promptly, but most dragged their feet. Whenever schools stopped responding, I copied school board members and attorneys on my emails, citing the law. By the time I graduated more than a year after filing the records requests, I had received more than 350 complaints, which I used in my recent investigation with KQED and ProPublica.
To this day, Los Angeles Unified, the largest school district in California, still has not released any records pertaining to teacher misconduct cases that it reported to the state. Instead, the district said it would charge me $8,000 ($100 an hour for 80 hours of work) for it to “investigate approximately 2,500 potentially responsive personnel files.” The First Amendment Coalition, a California nonprofit that advocates for free speech and government transparency, is representing me in a lawsuit filed in May. We argue that the Los Angeles school district is violating public records laws with its failure to release documents pertaining to alleged educator misconduct. A Los Angeles Unified spokesperson told me in a written statement this week that its policies balance the public’s right to access records with “responsible stewardship of public resources” and the law.
Districts slow-walking their responses isn’t the only obstacle to getting records from schools. Districts typically notify teachers before releasing complaints to give them the opportunity to block the documents’ release. The former Benicia teacher who was criminally charged with sexually abusing students in 2024 sued to block the release of complaints made against him at two school districts. The First Amendment Coalition represented me in that case, too, and we won. It took nine months to get the records. In another case in which I had requested records, the court granted an injunction preventing release of the teacher’s records, but the legal filings contained the details of the allegations against him, so the nature of the complaint became public anyway.
At least four teachers have called or emailed me directly to ask why I’m requesting their disciplinary records. They wanted to share their side of the story, which I was more than happy to hear, and some argued that their cases were not worth my time. One asked me to retract my request. (I did not.) Another sent a 1,700-word email saying that the allegations were only partially true and lamented that he did not have the money to defend himself.
While I appreciated the complexity of individual cases, I believed that those misconduct complaints might contain important truths. Undeterred by school districts’ recalcitrance, I followed the public record-seekers’ mantra: If you can’t get records from one agency, the answers you’re looking for may exist somewhere else.
Records of state disciplinary hearings are presumed public when teachers object to their dismissals by school districts or appeal the suspension or revocation of their licenses. And those records reside in the Department of General Services, a state agency that houses another agency responsible for convening administrative hearings of public employees.
This agency proved helpful with the case of Jason Agan, a San Francisco Bay Area math teacher who KQED and ProPublica reported on last month. Agan had been fired for sexually harassing high school students but went on to teach at two more schools, even after an independent panel convened by the Office of Administrative Hearings deemed him “unfit to teach.” Because he had asked for an outside hearing after the district moved to fire him, I requested those records.
I got them the next day. The documents contained summaries of testimony from students, administrators and Agan himself at his dismissal hearing. Agan, who has not been accused of a crime, admitted to touching students’ shoulders but denied any sexual motivation, stating during his dismissal hearing that he did so to offer them support and encouragement. He maintained his teaching license.
Getting a response from the Department of General Services was like discovering a secret portal to obtaining records quickly and easily.
So I requested five years’ worth of decisions about other teachers by independent panels from this agency, in search of further insights into how the state’s teacher disciplinary system works and where it falls short. I obtained a gold mine of documents in less than a week.
I had learned some important lessons: What seems to be secret isn’t always so. Sometimes you just need to know who to ask, and for what.
If you have experience with the state’s opaque teacher disciplinary process, KQED and ProPublica want to hear from you.
The post I Got Access to Hundreds of Teacher Misconduct Complaints in California — and You Can Too appeared first on ProPublica.
Salut Frama!
J’ai rencontré des personnes de framasoft à ow2con hier et on a essayé de trouver des opportunités de collaboration.
Je suis mainteneur d’un viewer 3d universelle (F3D) et on s’est demandé de la pertinence d’un héberger une version sur Framalab.
Voici notre viewer: Web viewer | F3D
Plus d’info sur le projet: GitHub - f3d-app/f3d: Fast and minimalist 3D viewer. · GitHub
Est-ce que ça vous intéresserait de déployer cela ?
N’hésitez pas si vous avez la moindre question!
1 message - 1 participant(e)
No state has taken over as many local public school districts as Texas. Just since 2020, the Texas Education Agency has installed its own hand-picked leaders in eight districts. Four of those came this spring. At least another 10 are at risk of takeover, including, as of last week, the Austin Independent School District.
And to lead some of these districts, Texas is turning to a cadre of officials with ties to Mike Miles, the man the education agency chose in 2023 to oversee the Houston school district, the state’s largest. Miles is also a close ally of Mike Morath, Texas’ powerful education commissioner.
Already, at least two of these new district leaders have started to adopt policies similar to the contentious reforms Miles has pursued in Houston. He has touted improved test scores under his charge. Houston ISD had no F-rated campuses and fewer D-rated campuses in the state’s latest ratings compared with previous years. But Miles has also sparked widespread protests in response to the district’s rigid adherence to scripted lessons and repetitive testing, the firing of principals and teachers, mass school closures, and the conversion of schools into charters.
Miles did not respond to requests for comment from the Texas Observer. Houston ISD officials, in a statement to the Observer, said the district did not achieve better ratings by maintaining the status quo but “made difficult decisions” to improve academic performance, noting the majority of its campuses are now rated A or B.
These school districts whose new leaders have connections to Miles should prepare for “upheaval and chaos,” warned an elected Houston school board member.
“If anything doesn’t align with improving test scores, it will be taken away,” said Maria Benzon, who was elected in November to the Houston ISD board but is not permitted to serve under the ongoing state takeover. Under Miles, for example, Houston ISD eliminated librarian positions and turned some libraries into what Benzon called “detention centers,” because they are being used, in part, for students with behavioral issues. Morath, the TEA commissioner, has said the centers are used for more than just punishment.
Texas law allows the TEA to take control of districts with multiple failing school ratings or governance issues and to replace their superintendent and elected boards.
The recent takeovers include Beaumont, Lake Worth and Connally independent school districts, whose new superintendents worked under Miles when he was superintendent in Dallas ISD; two of them also worked for him in Houston. In Fort Worth ISD, one of the state’s largest districts, the new state-appointed superintendent chose Daniel Soliz as his second-in-command, another person who worked under Miles in Houston ISD. Soliz did not respond to requests for comment for this story.
At least two of the state’s new superintendent appointees — Sandi Massey, who now helms Beaumont ISD in southeast Texas, and Ena Meyers, TEA’s appointee for Lake Worth ISD, a small district near Fort Worth — also worked for the controversial Colorado-based charter network Third Future Schools, which Miles led prior to becoming superintendent in Houston. In April, the Observer revealed that Miles had an ongoing $120,000 annual consulting contract with the charter network, an arrangement that likely violated a new statewide ban on public school administrators’ moonlighting. After questions from the news organization, Miles canceled the contract. The district said Miles “remains fully focused on leading Houston ISD and delivering results for students.”
Third Future’s charter network is expanding around the state as districts turn campuses over to the nonprofit’s Texas subsidiary, often as a means to delay possible state takeover. The nonprofit did not respond to the Observer’s request for comment.
School district takeovers often involve layoffs, school closures and an increase in charter schools, as has happened in Houston, said Domingo Morel, an associate professor of political science and public service at New York University, who found Texas has had more district takeovers than any other state since 1989.
What’s unique to Texas, Morel said, is that the low bar required to take control has led to more takeovers. Since 2015, five consecutive failing state ratings at just one school can trigger a takeover, as occurred in Houston, which has 273 campuses.
Texas has also made it harder for districts to appeal these seizures. The Legislature passed a law in 2021 that barred districts from using public funds to challenge the education commissioner’s “final and unappealable” decision to take them over. The threshold that defines a failing school was also lowered. Then, in 2025, the state passed another law restricting districts from using public funds to sue the state when challenging its accountability ratings.
The state “is the player, the referee, the coach, the scorekeeper,” when it comes to rating schools and deciding when to seize control, said Steven Nelson, an associate professor of education policy and leadership at the University of Nevada who’s been studying school takeovers for more than a decade. He said he suspects the TEA-appointed leaders connected to Miles will also focus on standardized testing, which will result in “a narrow curriculum when all is said and done.”
The acceleration of takeovers, and the state’s increasingly stringent rating system, comes just as Texas rolls out a school voucher program that will, in most cases, award parents $10,000 in state funds to send their children to private schools. State accountability standards do not apply to private schools, where students don’t have to take the standardized tests required in Texas public schools.
TEA spokesperson Jake Kobersky said the agency does not expect the four school districts that have recently been taken over to adopt the same reforms that Miles implemented in Houston. “During an intervention, state law requires the agency to appoint a new superintendent and a board of managers. All other staffing and operational decisions are made locally by the district,” Kobersky said.
But last August, Morath told lawmakers other districts “should be copying the changes that we see in Houston.”
Massey, the new superintendent in Beaumont, has also cited the changes in Houston ISD as a blueprint.
“The model that we are implementing here is a very similar model to Houston. And why? Because of the success that Houston has had,” Massey said at a May 21 board meeting, referring to her time working with Miles at Houston ISD, where he selected her to be chief of schools.
Under Massey, the newly appointed board of managers voted at their first meeting to temporarily suspend a number of policies related to governance and hiring practices, including employees’ rights to present grievances to the board and principals’ ability to approve new hires without district permission. Board of managers member Jeff Wheeler said at the meeting, “We are requesting that they be suspended until the board can move, can more fully evaluate our local policies.”
The board has taken other steps that mirror what happened in Houston after the takeover there: On May 14, the district announced it was cutting 34 positions that support student mental health, and on May 21, it announced a high school would close.
Massey did not respond to the Observer’s requests for comment about whether she’s following the Houston playbook. Jackie Simien, a spokesperson for Beaumont ISD said, “Massey has worked alongside successful educational leaders with demonstrated results in improving systems, instruction, and student performance.”
Benzon, the elected Houston ISD board member, said Miles is sidelining parent and teacher voices in her district, and they are leaving in droves as a result. “They are trying to escape the New Education System and Miles’ bad policies,” Benzon added, referring to a program Miles transplanted from his former charter school network that is characterized by scripted lessons and repetitive testing. The Houston Chronicle reported the district “is losing students at an accelerated pace” under the takeover, spurring the district to shutter 12 schools ahead of the next school year.
In its statement to the Observer, Houston ISD cited a survey of families reporting a “favorable perception” of the district and said it retained many exemplary teachers.
Nelson and Morel said they believe the ultimate objective of any takeover is to disenfranchise local communities. Black and Hispanic students make up the majority of the population at all four of the districts now headed by Miles’ associates.
“It all begins at the school board level to then completely disempower the community,” Morel said.
On April 23, Houston ISD moved to fire a veteran teacher and president of the Houston Education Association teachers union after she protested requirements to comply with Miles’ New Education System.
Meyers, the new Lake Worth superintendent who at the time was Houston ISD’s deputy chief of strategic initiatives, testified in favor of the teacher’s termination.
“We do not allow our staff to make decisions about curriculum in a New Education System school or in Houston ISD,” Meyers said, according to a transcript of the hearing. “If they are not following expectations, we would not allow them to stay in HISD as an employee.”
Since taking over in Lake Worth, Meyers and the board of managers have temporarily suspended board policies related to governance procedures, hiring and employee assignments and schedules, similar to what Massey and her board did in Beaumont.
In response to the Observer’s inquiries about replicating Houston ISD’s reforms in her new role, Meyers wrote in an email that “Lake Worth ISD is very different from Houston ISD. We are a district of five schools serving a much smaller community, so our approach must reflect the unique needs of our students, staff, and families.”
Her email continued, “I believe educators should learn from successful practices wherever they exist.”
As in Beaumont and Lake Worth, the takeover in Fort Worth ISD has been characterized by swift changes. After less than a month under the new leadership, the 68,000-student district has suspended local board governance and hiring policies and has cut dozens of staff positions, including those supporting English-language learners.
Parent organizer Zach Leonard said a new instructional model Fort Worth ISD is rolling out in 19 schools, called “Elevate,” is essentially the same as what Miles has done in Houston, an assertion district spokesperson Tierney Tinnin refuted.
Leonard, along with other parents with his organization, notes the similarities between the programs: “scripted slide-by-slide lessons, rigid timed instruction, and ‘demonstrations of learning’ reduced to data points.”
“This isn’t education reform,” Leonard said, referring to Miles’ model of learning being transported to Fort Worth. “It’s a franchise being handed to our children without a vote.”
The post Texas State Takeover of Local School Districts Expands, Raising Concerns appeared first on ProPublica.
A group of lawmakers demanded answers from the White House this week following a ProPublica investigation revealing that a top aide to the president intervened to secure a $620 million Pentagon loan to a startup linked to the president’s eldest son.
ProPublica’s reporting “reveals a staggering level of corruption and influence peddling that superseded this process, enriching the President’s son at the expense of U.S. national security and taxpayer dollars,” wrote the group of Democratic lawmakers, including Sens. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut and Mazie Hirono of Hawaii as well as Reps. Jason Crow of Colorado and Mike Levin of California.
Last year, the Pentagon announced the loan to Vulcan Elements, a small North Carolina startup, about three months after Donald Trump Jr.’s venture capital firm took a stake of undisclosed size in the rare-earth magnet company.
Interviews and Defense Department records reviewed by ProPublica show that the request to lend to the firm was made by Peter Navarro, who serves as the president’s senior counselor for trade and manufacturing and is a friend of Trump Jr.’s.
Of the dozens of companies the Pentagon was considering funding at the time, Vulcan’s was the only deal initiated by a top aide to the president, an official at the Pentagon who was not authorized to speak publicly told ProPublica.
After defense officials got the White House request, they asked Pentagon staff to move at an unusually rapid pace, said another person who was involved in the deal at the Pentagon but not authorized to speak about it.
“The call came from the White House: We have to get this done,” the person said.
In their letter, addressed to White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles, the lawmakers asked a series of questions about Navarro’s involvement in the deal, including whether he intervened at someone else’s direction, if the president was aware or involved, and who Navarro communicated with at the Pentagon.
They also asked more broadly about whether White House officials have communicated with federal agency officials about other companies linked to the Trump family.
“The American public — and service members that are in harm’s way — expect that the DoD contracting process is fair, unbiased, and competitive to ensure that only the best companies, providing only the best products, receive taxpayer dollars,” the lawmakers wrote.
Navarro, who served as trade adviser in the president’s first term, and Trump Jr. have formed a close bond in recent years. The president’s son visited Navarro in prison while he served time for defying a subpoena from lawmakers investigating the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the U.S. Capitol. Trump Jr. was one of the small group of people Navarro dedicated his latest book to for having “my back when it was against the wall.” And a week before the Vulcan deal was announced, Trump Jr. hosted Navarro on his streaming show, encouraging his nearly 2 million subscribers to buy Navarro’s book. That interview was not long after word came down from Navarro to Pentagon staff to make the massive loan to Vulcan, one of the defense officials involved in the deal said.
Asked to respond to the lawmakers’ allegations and ProPublica’s reporting, Navarro in a text message wrote “Staggering level of hyperbole. More fake news” but did not elaborate. The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Tuesday.
Navarro did not respond to questions from ProPublica sent to him directly before the initial article was published. But in a post on X afterward, he called the story “fake news on steroids.”
Vulcan has not commented. A White House spokesperson had said in a statement that the administration is working “in the best interest of the American people,” adding, “The President’s entire team, including Senior Counselor Navarro and officials at the Department of War, is working together and with private industry to secure America’s critical mineral supply chain at Trump Speed.” Trump Jr.’s spokesperson said last week that the president’s son does not discuss companies he has invested in with federal government officials and did not speak to Navarro about Vulcan. He “has no knowledge about how this deal came together,” the spokesperson said. A spokesperson for 1789 Capital, the venture firm where Trump Jr. is a partner, said it also played no role in Vulcan getting the loan and did not learn about the deal before it was public.
“No company receives preferential treatment,” a Pentagon spokesperson said. “Outside affiliations, investors, or political connections play absolutely no role in the Department’s funding decisions.”
The loan was part of the Pentagon’s effort to fund companies that could help the U.S. reduce dependence on China’s critical mineral supply chains. It represented a big win for Vulcan and its investors. Estimates of the company’s valuation grew tenfold after the deal was announced.
The deal is one of many actions by the administration of President Donald Trump that have helped companies in which his family holds stakes. Government contracts and other benefits have gone to various Trump-linked companies. But ProPublica’s reporting on the Vulcan loan represented the first time the awarding of a contract from a federal agency was directly linked to White House intervention.
A number of other lawmakers also criticized the Vulcan deal following ProPublica’s investigation.
Sen. Raphael Warnock, a Georgia Democrat, called it “corruption to the highest degree,” alleging on X: “They are looting this country. Dismantling it, selling it for parts, and lining their own pockets.”
Sen. Patty Murray, a Washington Democrat, called for a congressional investigation. “It’s just nonstop corruption from this White House, and Republicans in Congress are content to twiddle their thumbs and look right in the other direction,” she posted on X. “Congress should be investigating and putting a stop to this kind of crooked self-dealing—not enabling it.”
The post Lawmakers Demand Answers After the White House Initiated a $620M Loan to a Firm Tied to Donald Trump Jr. appeared first on ProPublica.
L'articolo Addio Carola proviene da Guerre di Rete.
On any given night, thousands of people sleep on the streets in Portland, Oregon. They seek shelter in tents, bushes and overpasses in a city that has struggled with one of the worst housing crises in the country.
Portland, like many cities, has raced to increase its supply of affordable housing by turning to a federal program that’s existed since the 1980s: the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit. It provides up to $15 billion worth of tax credits a year nationally to help developers build apartments. Portland supplemented the federal construction money with local dollars, creating incentives that were hard to turn down.
But to meet the affordability requirements, all the developers needed to do in most cases was put rents within reach of someone earning 60% of median income, an earnings threshold that equates to about $75,000 annually for a family of four. It turns out that this amount of rent is now close to what the typical Portland landlord charges without any subsidy.
The result of the federal tax credit has been a glut of apartments costing renters on the order of about $1,400 a month for a one-bedroom. That’s a manageable outlay for a family making $75,000 but nearly half the monthly income of someone who earns $35,000 at the local minimum wage.
Nearly 2,000 of Portland’s subsidized units sat vacant and unused at last count, as The Oregonian and Willamette Week have reported. The same situation has repeated from Seattle to the San Francisco Bay Area to Denver.
Economists and other academic researchers have been warning for decades that this was precisely the sort of problem that the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit was likely to create.
Studies have concluded that the program, which currently supports nine out of every 10 subsidized units built in America, is an expensive and ineffective way to house people who can’t afford it. Researchers have said it doesn’t subsidize housing deeply enough to reach truly low-income renters, so it produces housing in markets and at income levels that already have a surplus instead of filling a shortage.
Independent researchers have found little evidence it’s expanded the overall housing supply beyond what the market would have produced without it. Its complexity has birthed an industry of affordable-housing-focused developers, investors, lawyers and accounting specialists who profit off the tax credit. Between 1991 and 2024, a dozen studies concluded that many more people could benefit if the money were spent on rental vouchers, which let consumers, rather than the government, decide which landlords get tax subsidies. Estimates went as high as twice the impact for the dollar.
“The evidence is telling us this program is lacking its reason to exist,” said Kirk McClure, an emeritus professor of urban planning at the University of Kansas and a leading critic of the tax credit. “We should reform the program to make it work better.”
McClure and others have brought their concerns to Congress. He recommended diverting the money into rental vouchers for tenants, or else changing the tax credit’s rules to reward only developers who build units in genuinely short supply: those affordable to people at the very bottom of the income ladder.
The ideas never went anywhere. Instead, money for the tax credit has grown at a much faster rate than rental assistance vouchers since 2000, data from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development and the U.S. Treasury shows. Rock-solid support from industries that benefit from the tax credit and both parties in Congress has made it the linchpin of U.S. housing policy.
“The program leverages housing market forces, entrepreneurial innovation and private accountability to increase housing supply,” former HUD Secretary Ben Carson told the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform in 2025.
Among the tax credit’s other prominent backers are two Northwest Democrats on the Senate Committee on Finance, Ron Wyden of Oregon and Maria Cantwell of Washington. Cantwell has introduced bills to increase funding for the existing tax credit, and Wyden has proposed expanding the target of the credits to benefit not just low-income families, but also middle-income households — the opposite of what McClure says needs to happen.
Both Wyden and Cantwell say Congress should hold more hearings to ensure the program is run efficiently, but they also defended it in written statements to Oregon Public Broadcasting and ProPublica.
“There isn’t any silver bullet to the housing crisis in Oregon and around the country,” Wyden’s statement said, “but the low-income housing tax credit has been the most successful federal housing construction program on the books for decades and is the only housing program Republicans haven’t tried to gut.”
Indeed, President Donald Trump has sought to cut housing programs such as rent assistance. But as part of his spending package last year, Congress approved the biggest expansion of the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit in decades.
“That’s a mistake,” McClure said.
It won’t alleviate homelessness or the housing shortage for people at the lowest incomes, he said. It will just create more buildings that compete with the market and with one another for the same pool of renters.
McClure recounted seeing a brand-new affordable housing complex near his home in Kansas not long ago with a sign enticing tenants of another government-backed complex down the street, promoting newer units at the same price.
“So the taxpayers of the United States subsidized the creation of this new property to help bankrupt another federally subsidized property,” he said. “That is stupidity 101. We have got to be better stewards of the American taxpayer’s dollar.”
Oregon’s affordable housing production has skyrocketed in recent years. So have rents and homelessness.
Over the past decade, Oregon lawmakers doubled funding for the state’s affordable housing tax credit and started offering low-interest and deferred loans for construction.
Voters in the Portland area, meanwhile, passed housing bonds totaling more than $900 million. Developers can use that money to secure federal housing tax credits. The state went from building about 1,800 affordable units a year pre-pandemic to nearly 5,000 last year.
Industries that benefit from the tax credit say it’s the engine that makes that kind of building boom possible.
The Affordable Housing Tax Credit Coalition, representing lenders, developers and others in the industry, has called the program “the most effective tool we have to meet the affordable housing needs in rural, suburban, and urban areas.”
Jennifer Schwartz, director of tax and housing advocacy for the National Council of State Housing Agencies, which advocates for the tax credit and other housing programs administered by states, said the housing market by itself won’t produce a big enough supply of housing within reach for low-income renters. That goes for even those who receive federal rent vouchers, she said.
“It costs too much to build housing to turn around and rent it to households who are low-income households,” Schwartz said, “unless you have some sort of incentive like the housing credit.”
But in Portland, all that new construction hasn’t made a dent in the city’s affordability crisis. A report from the Portland Housing Bureau in 2025 found that rent and home sale prices were growing faster than incomes, even as the city’s vacancy rate was also rising.
The vacancy rate was roughly 7.6% as of May, according to Aaron Kirk Douglas, director of market intelligence at the Portland-based brokerage HFO Investment Real Estate. Vacancies are even higher for ostensibly affordable units: 11%, leaving nearly 2,000 units unused. Housing industry experts consider 5% vacancy to be a baseline for ordinary turnover.
The time it takes to verify that a tenant’s income meets the tax credit’s requirements and prep units for move-in played a role in the struggle to fill vacant units built with the federal subsidy. But housing advocates say the biggest barrier is price.
The gap between market-rate rents and affordable housing rents has shrunk, and not just in Portland.
By one industry estimate, in more than a dozen U.S. cities at least 40% of affordable housing was competing with market-rate buildings rates in 2025.
In the Portland suburb of Gresham, federal rules cap a two-bedroom apartment built with the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit at $1,675 a month. Zillow puts the equivalent market-rate apartment at $1,525.
Operators of a new $53.8 million development in northeast Portland, built with the tax credit and the local housing bond, had trouble filling studio and one-bedroom apartments whose affordable rents were near market rate. They began offering a month of free rent for new tenants, according to a March report from the committee that oversees the region’s housing bond.
Affordable housing providers, which in Portland are predominantly nonprofit organizations, are also increasing their marketing budgets to attract renters away from market-rate buildings.
“The idea that we’re competing with the market would have been unfathomable a few years ago,” said Margaret Salazar, CEO of Reach Community Development Corporation, one of Portland’s largest affordable housing providers.
Salazar, who led Oregon’s state housing agency during the COVID-19 pandemic and later worked as a regional director for HUD, is a longtime proponent of the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit. But she said the people who can afford to rent apartments the tax credit has produced would rather move into a market-rate apartment for similar money and with fewer rules and restrictions.
“It’s becoming a slimmer and slimmer slice of residents” that Reach can serve, she said. “Suddenly we’re competing for this little slice of people.”
Meanwhile, a substantial group of Portland-area residents remain priced out.
HUD data shows more than 90,000 households in Multnomah County earn less than the 60% of median income that a family would typically need to afford a federally subsidized unit. (The precise number of families who can’t afford “affordable” units is unclear because it depends on variations in household size, actual rent levels and other subsidies that might reduce rents further.)
Salazar said that right now Reach can rent to people at lower income levels only if it can find additional subsidies such as housing vouchers — and funding for vouchers is so limited that only 1 in 4 people who qualify are able to get them.
Despite the convergence of rent levels in market-rate and subsidized housing, supporters of the tax credit say it remains valuable because the units it subsidizes are constrained from raising rents faster than incomes — and there’s no guarantee market-rate rents will remain at this level in the future.
But Steve Rudman, who ran the local housing authority in the Portland area for more than a decade, said the fact that the tax credit is now delivering market-rate housing rather than housing for the poorest households raises an existential question for the federal program.
“What is this thing really doing?” Rudman said. “What is the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit?”
Criticism of the federal construction credit has been a near constant since it began.
In the Reagan era, housing experts began to worry rents would become unaffordable amid deep cuts to housing programs and the drafting of the Tax Reform Act, which eliminated several tax shelters for real estate.
McClure, an economist for the city of Boston at the time, worked with others to design a tax credit that would reward affordable housing production.
“It was meant to be a three-year stopgap until we came up with something better,” he said.
The idea was to incorporate low-income housing into market-rate housing construction that was already taking place. Developers could receive a tax credit if they capped rents for a certain portion of the apartments in their building, and they could continue to rent the rest at any amount they chose.
McClure crafted letters for Boston’s mayor to send Congress in support of the idea. His analysis helped decide the subsidy amount. Developers could offset 70% of the cost of new builds or 30% of the cost of a rehab. Congress signed off in 1986.
Almost immediately, the program diverged from the outcomes McClure had envisioned.
He and other drafters of the tax credit had thought developers would use it to offer deep discounts on a small number of units, allowing them to charge market rate on the rest. But developers found it more profitable to subsidize 100% of their units at the smallest allowable discount, a rent affordable to households at 60% of median income.
In 1992, as lawmakers considered making the 6-year-old Low-Income Housing Tax Credit permanent, an analysis by the Congressional Budget Office declared the program “unlikely to substantially increase the supply of affordable housing” and “more suited to the needs of investors than poor renters.”
For one, the tax credits cost a lot to administer, congressional economists said. They also pointed to evidence that subsidized housing production dampened market-rate construction.
Congress was preparing to give developers $3 billion through the tax credit as of 1992. Putting that money into housing vouchers instead, the CBO concluded, would help 550,000 households, more than twice as many as would benefit from the construction tax credit. The numbers echoed findings from an earlier HUD evaluation of tax credits vs. vouchers.
Congress made the tax credit permanent a year later.
As time wore on, McClure’s emerging doubts about a program he originally expected to be temporary only deepened.
When the Fannie Mae Foundation hired him in 1997 to analyze how the tax credit was doing, he concluded it was a “very inefficient subsidy delivery mechanism” that didn’t produce as much housing as it should have.
Other studies came to similar conclusions as McClure, HUD and the Congressional Budget Office. At least five found the tax credit does little to increase the overall housing supply.
The Government Accountability Office noted problems with the program in 2015, 2016, 2017 and 2018, finding it lacked basic oversight to show the federal funds worked as intended. A 2017 investigation by NPR and Frontline documented numerous examples of waste and fraud, including one developer pocketing tax credits without building the required housing.
“Given the available evidence on program performance, we should certainly not expand the tax credit program,” Edgar Olsen, professor emeritus of economics at the University of Virginia, wrote in a 2017 article for the American Enterprise Institute. “The existing evidence argues for terminating it.”
There are some critics within Congress. Rep. Glenn Grothman, a Republican from Wisconsin, introduced a bill to kill the program last year, calling it a “cash grab for developers and banks.” But the bill went nowhere.
Olsen, like McClure, remains adamant today about what he considers the tax program’s uselessness. In a recent interview, he told OPB and ProPublica that he’s urged policymakers, in academic articles and in testimony, to re-examine whether the program has any value at all.
“How often do they talk to people like me or like Kirk McClure? The answer is almost never,” Olsen said. “What they hear from are people who represent the financial interest of the industry, and so they want more money to be spent on this.”
The post A Low-Income Housing Program Is Pouring Billions Into Housing Many People Can’t Afford appeared first on ProPublica.
Bonjour,
Depuis la mise à jour de Framagenda de ce matin, je vois que les “Notes” ont disparu. Ça me mets en grande difficultés, puisque je les utilise beaucoup, y compris en mode partagé avec d’autres user.
Quelqu’un sait-il ce qu’il se passe ?
Merci pour l’aide.
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Bonjour,
Je viens de créer un formulaire pour que les associations puissent faire un diagnostic de leur santé sociale et je voudrais qu’elles puissent accéder à leur résultat. Malheureusement, quand elles cliquent sur le lien reçu par mail pour y accéder, le message “accès refusé” apparaît. Est-ce qu’il faut avoir un compte framasoft pour pouvoir y accéder ? Ou bien y a-t-il un paramétrage que je dois modifier quelque part, pour qu’elles puissent y accéder librement ?
J’espère de tout cœur que c’est la 2ème option …
D’avance, merci à toutes et tous pour votre aide et vos réponses,
Nelly
2 messages - 2 participant(e)s
Hi,
I want all of my Peertube site users to login with a shared username & password. Is it any limitation for this? There may be around 10,000 users
2 messages - 2 participant(e)s
Kara Meredith can tell you the exact day her life turned upside down: Aug. 23, 2025.
She was at her home in Fort Gibson, Oklahoma, caring for her 5-week-old son, when one of her daughters ran to tell her there was water all over the bathroom floor. Her husband, Mitch Meredith, wasn’t worried — until he saw the dark liquid bubbling up around the base of the bathtub. Mitch and his relatives worked all night trying to contain it. It was near dawn when his uncle said, “This is oil.”
The United States is the largest oil and gas producer in the world. All of that drilling produces hundreds of billions of gallons of toxic wastewater each year. For decades, energy companies have disposed of that briny fluid by shooting it back underground using high-pressure injection wells. But across Oklahoma, the fluid is spreading uncontrollably belowground, blasting out of old, unplugged wells, polluting land and contaminating drinking water.
In a new documentary from The Frontier and ProPublica, reporter Nick Bowlin investigates a scourge of oil field wastewater seeping into the lives of Oklahomans, about half of whom live within a mile of an oil and gas operation.
His reporting takes him to the headquarters of the Oklahoma Corporation Commission, the state agency tasked with regulating oil and gas. The agency told Bowlin that it is committed to “doing the right thing, holding operators accountable, protecting Oklahoma and its resources, and providing fair and balanced regulation.” But as Bowlin continues to dig, he discovers he is far from the first one to raise the alarm about what’s happening in Oklahoma.
Watch the documentary here.
We’ve reported on oil and gas pollution contaminating drinking water, killing cattle and damaging property. We need your help to show how this affects people across the state.
The post Toxic Ground: How Oil Field Pollution Is Threatening Oklahoma appeared first on ProPublica.
En réponse à P.
Merci :-)
The Instagram accounts for the Obama White House and the Chief Master Sergeant of the U.S. Space Force were briefly defaced with pro-Iranian images and messages over the weekend, after instructions began circulating on Telegram showing how to trick Meta’s “AI support assistant” bot into resetting account passwords.
A screenshot from a video released on Telegram claiming to show how Meta’s AI customer support bot could be tricked into resetting a target’s password.
On May 31, word began to spread on several Telegram instant message channels that Meta’s AI bot would happily add an email address to an existing account as part of the bot’s standard password reset flow.
A video released on Telegram by pro-Iran hackers claimed to document a remarkably simple exploit that appears to have involved using a VPN connection with an IP address that is in or near the target’s usual hometown, requesting a password reset for the account, and then choosing to chat with Meta’s AI support assistant. From there, the video shows the attacker told the bot to link the account in question to a new email address, after which the bot dutifully sent that address a one-time code that allowed a password reset.
The Telegram account that posted the video also linked to screenshots of pro-Iran images, videos and messages that defaced the hacked Instagram accounts, saying hackers had used the exploit to hijack a number of valuable (read: short) Instagram account names that allegedly have a resale value of more than a half million dollars.
Meta has not responded to requests for comment on the video’s claims, but Meta’s Andy Stone said on Twitter/X that the issue had been resolved and that they were securing impacted accounts. The security blog thecybersecguru.com reports that Meta pushed an emergency patch over the weekend, and clarified that no back end database was breached.
“Instagram has notoriously poor human support infrastructure,” Cybersecguru wrote. “Recovering a locked account – especially a high-value one can take weeks of back-and-forth with an automated ticketing system. Meta’s solution was to deploy a conversational AI layer to handle common recovery workflows: relinking a lost email address, triggering a password reset, verifying account ownership. The assistant, presumably, was supposed to reduce friction for legitimate users stuck in account-access hell.”
Ian Goldin, a threat researcher at Lumen’s Black Lotus Labs, said we’re entering unchartered security territory as more large online platforms start allowing AI chatbots to handle sensitive account recovery requests. Just like human customer support employees can be social engineered into providing unauthorized access to someone’s account, AI bots are equally eager to help and vulnerable to persuasion and trickery, he said.
“AI chatbots create interesting new attack surface, and we’re likely going to see a lot more of these kinds of attacks,” Goldin said.
Securing your various online accounts means taking full advantage of the most secure form of multi-factor authentication (MFA) offered (such as a passkey or security key). In this case, even using the least robust form of MFA that Instagram offers — a one-time code sent via SMS — likely would have blocked the exploit: The hackers who released the video on Telegram said their exploit failed to work against any accounts that had MFA enabled.
With Infosecurity Europe kicking off tomorrow, many of us will be fine tuning our schedules and prepping for the festivities to kick off. The Gurus have been busy collecting a selection of unmissable events to help you plan your trip and ensure you get the most out of your visit.
Here’s a selection of ones we think you’ll enjoy:
Joanna Mendez, Former CIA Chief of Disguise and author
The Deception Playbook: Inside the Mind of a CIA Spy
Keynote Stage
Tuesday, 2nd June @ 10:10 – 10:50
This keynote explores how the principles of espionage, deception and psychological manipulation underpin many of today’s most effective cyber-attacks. Drawing on her experience as the CIA’s former Chief of Disguise, Jonna Mendez shares compelling real-world lessons on trust, influence and human vulnerability, offering security leaders a fresh perspective on social engineering risks and organisational resilience.
Darren Guccione, CEO and Co-Founder, Keeper Security:
Super-Identities at Machine Speed: Securing the Rise of AI Agents
Cyber Strategies Stage
Tuesday, 2nd June @10:00 – 10:25
This session explores the growing security risks posed by AI agents as they become increasingly autonomous within enterprise environments. You’ll learn why traditional identity and access controls are no longer sufficient, and gain practical guidance on securing AI agents through least-privilege access, continuous monitoring and governance frameworks that support emerging UK and EU regulations.
Nico Hulkenberg, F1 Driver, Audi Revolut F1 Team and Lisa Forte, Partner at Red Goat Cyber Security
In the Driver’s Seat with Nico Hulkenberg
Keynote Stage
12:25-12:45
With around 250 Grand Prix races in his career, Nico Hülkenberg is one of the most experienced drivers in the industry. In cyber security we often draw parallels with the Formula 1 world, as both operate with speed, data, risk and teamwork at extremely high stakes. Join Lisa Forte and Nico as they take to the stage, for this racy unmissable conversation.
Mayur Upadhyaya, CEO and Co-founder, APIContext:
Resilience and Cyber Risk Theatre
Tuesday, 2nd June @ 12:45 – 13:15
This session examines how organisations can improve resilience in increasingly automated, machine-to-machine environments where service failures are often difficult to detect. You’ll learn how to identify modern monitoring blind spots across APIs and third-party services, and how continuous external verification can help spot issues early before they affect customers or business operations.
Reporting Active Exploits in 24 Hours: Are You Ready for the CRA?
Resilience and Cyber Risk Theatre
Tuesday, 2nd June @ 15:00 – 15:30
This session focuses on how organisations can prepare their vulnerability management and AppSec processes for the Cyber Resilience Act’s strict reporting requirements. Attendees will gain practical insights into the operational, technical and workflow changes needed to detect, verify and report actively exploited vulnerabilities quickly, while improving cross-team collaboration, automation and compliance readiness.
Tim Ward, CEO and Co-founder, Redflags, and Daniela Waugh, Head of Information Security, S&W Group:
Intelligent Behaviour Change in the Age of AI
Case Studies Stage
Tuesday, 2nd June @ 14:15 – 14:45
This case study session explores how organisations can drive meaningful, long-term security behaviour change by understanding and influencing how people make decisions in the workplace. You’ll learn practical approaches to reducing human risk, fostering a stronger security culture, and using insights from employee interactions with AI tools to identify emerging risks and shape effective governance strategies.
Filigran and Centrica Plc
Case Studies Stage
Tuesday, 2nd June @14:40 – 15:05
This session explores how organisations can make cyber threat intelligence more effective by breaking down security silos and improving the quality of threat data. Through a real-world case study from Centrica, you’ll learn how AI-enhanced intelligence workflows and automated feedback mechanisms can help prioritise threats more effectively, reduce noise, and create a more proactive, intelligence-led security operation.
Meera Tamboli, DFIR Analyst at AVEVA
What 500+ Mentoring Calls Taught Me About Confidence in Cybersecurity
Community@Infosec
Wednesday 3rd June, 10:00 – 10:30
This session explores the personal and professional challenges many people face when building a career in cybersecurity, including imposter syndrome, burnout and fear of failure. Through insights gained from mentoring hundreds of cyber professionals, attendees will learn why community, authenticity and support are critical to building confidence, resilience and long-term success in the industry.
Rik Ferguson, Vice President Security Intelligence, Forescout
“Quantum is still far off, we can wait – can’t we?”
Keynote Stage
Wednesday, 3rd June 2026 @ 11:00 – 11:45
This session explains why post-quantum cryptography (PQC) is a migration challenge that organisations need to address today, rather than a future problem to worry about when quantum computers arrive. You’ll learn how long technology refresh cycles can create hidden risks, what steps should be taken now to avoid crypto-agility issues, and how leading industries are preparing for the transition to quantum-safe security.
The Resiliency Quad: Integrated Framework for Sustaining Human Performance
Community@Infosec
Wednesday, 3rd June @ 13:30 – 14:00
This session introduces the Resiliency Quad, a framework for building sustainable performance through a balanced approach to physical, emotional, technological and developmental resilience. Attendees will gain practical insights into how strengthening these interconnected areas can improve wellbeing, adaptability and long-term effectiveness in both personal and professional settings.
Women in Cyber 10 Year Celebrations!
This year Infosec marks a decade of the Women in Cybersecurity programme with sessions designed to inspire, empower and drive real change. The sessions will explore how women are redefining success in their cybersecurity careers and what’s shifted over the past 10 years. They’ll also highlight how allyship and diverse teams now play a crucial role in strengthening cyber operations. With practical insights, forward looking discussion and a special keynote speaker, this milestone year offers a powerful look at how far the industry has come and what’s next.
Cyber Fest 2025 Cyber House Party (Sold Out) | The Fox, Excel | 3rd June | 17:30 – 23:30pm
Cyber House Party is the industry’s biggest fundraising bash, plus you get to hear colleagues, peers, connections show off their DJing skills. Always a blast! AND they’re raising money for the NSPCC.
Yemurai Rabvukwa, Senior Cybersecurity Associate and Cyber Careers Influencer, Individual Contributor
Navigating the Imposter Monster as a Cyber Professional
Community@Infosec
Thursday, 4th June 2026 @ 10:00 – 10:30
This keynote explores how cybersecurity professionals can overcome self-doubt by reframing imposter syndrome as the Imposter Monster. Attendees will learn a practical framework for building confidence, managing uncertainty and developing a healthier mindset for personal and professional growth.
Peter Coroneos, Founder of Cybermindz
Human Capability Risk in Cybersecurity: When Defender Burnout Becomes a Control Opportunity
Keynote Stage
Thursday, 4th June 2026 @ 11:00 – 11:35
This session explores the often-overlooked link between human performance and cyber resilience, highlighting how stress, burnout, poor sleep and uncertainty can directly affect the effectiveness of security operations. Attendees will learn how to treat workforce wellbeing as an operational risk factor, using measurable performance data and governance frameworks to strengthen decision-making, improve resilience and maintain the long-term effectiveness of cyber defence teams.
Mo Patel / Phil McGowan, Huntress:
Deep Dive Stage
Thursday, 4th June 2026 @ 12:30 – 13:15
This session cuts through the hype around Zero Trust, explaining why it is a security strategy rather than a product. You’ll gain a clearer understanding of the core principles behind Zero Trust, how they address modern security challenges, and what organisations should focus on when building a practical Zero Trust architecture based on continuous verification and least-privilege access.
Nasser Arif, Cybersecurity Manager at NHS
Community@Infosec
Thursday, 4th June 2026 @ 13:30 – 14:00
This session shares the career journey and insights of an award-winning NHS Cyber Security Manager who progressed from volunteer to leading security across multiple NHS Trusts. Attendees will gain perspectives on building positive security cultures, making cybersecurity more accessible and inclusive, and balancing technical expertise with the human side of security.
That’s our take on the hottest line up at Infosec this year, if you do see us at any of the above, say hello!
The post IT Security Guru picks for Infosecurity Europe 2026 appeared first on IT Security Guru.
Avec ces températures, vous transpirez à grosses gouttes ? Ce n'est pas une excuse pour oublier le #KhrysPresso de @Khrys (ni pour oublier de le publier ! 😱 )
https://framablog.org/2026/06/01/khryspresso-du-lundi-1er-juin-2026/
(Photo de Vesselin Dochkov - CC 0)
The rapid adoption of AI coding assistants is creating a new governance challenge for enterprise security teams, according to research released by Salt Security, which found that nine in ten security leaders are concerned about the security risks associated with AI-generated code. The research, AI Coding Assistants and the New Security Challenge, surveyed 100 IT security leaders across the UK and US and highlights the growing tension between software development speed and security oversight.
According to the study, 67% of organisations now report widespread adoption of AI coding assistants across development teams, reflecting how deeply AI has become embedded in modern software engineering practices. However, governance frameworks have struggled to keep pace. While organisations increasingly rely on AI to accelerate development, 38% still depend primarily on manual reviews to assess AI-generated code, a process many security leaders believe is becoming unsustainable.
Among respondents, 29% identified insecure coding patterns as the biggest risk introduced by AI assistants, while 15% cited concerns about generated code failing to align with internal security policies.
The findings mirror wider industry concerns about the quality and security of machine-generated software. According to figures cited by Salt Security, AI coding assistants now generate nearly half of all code written on platforms such as GitHub, while independent research has found that a significant proportion of AI-generated code contains known vulnerabilities.
“AI coding assistants are fundamentally changing how software is built, but governance has not kept pace,” said Roey Eliyahu, CEO and co-founder of Salt Security.
“Most organisations recognise the risks, but many are still trying to manage AI-generated code using security processes designed for a pre-AI world. That approach does not scale. Security leaders need visibility, consistency and embedded governance across the AI-assisted development lifecycle before code volumes become unmanageable.”
The research also revealed that larger enterprises face greater operational complexity as AI adoption grows. Organisations with more than 500 employees were significantly more likely to report challenges around governance consistency, developer overreliance on AI-generated outputs and policy enforcement across distributed development teams.
The findings coincide with the launch of Salt Code, a new addition to the company’s Agentic Security Platform designed to enforce security policies directly within AI coding assistants such as Claude Code, GitHub Copilot, Cursor, Gemini CLI and Codex. Salt Code is designed to move security controls earlier in the software development lifecycle. Rather than relying solely on traditional security testing tools after code has been written, Salt Code applies organisational security policies during code generation itself.
At the heart of the platform is Salt’s Posture Governance Engine, which allows organisations to define security and compliance requirements once and enforce them consistently across code creation, deployment and runtime environments. The platform includes pre-built policy packs covering frameworks such as the OWASP API Top 10, MCP Security Top 10, LLM Security Top 10 and OpenAPI/Swagger compliance.
According to Salt Security, the approach is intended to address what it describes as “security drift”, or the gradual divergence between organisational policies and actual development practices that can occur as AI-generated code volumes increase.
“AI is writing code faster than organisations can govern it, whether that AI is Claude, Gemini, Copilot, or the next tool a developer downloads tomorrow,” Eliyahu said.
“For the first time, security policy travels with the code itself, from the first prompt through every stage of the pipeline and into runtime. Organisations no longer have to choose between the speed AI enables and the security their business requires.”
Industry analysts have argued that governance will become increasingly important as AI-generated code forms a growing share of enterprise software. Salt’s research suggests that organisations are already recognising the challenge, with security leaders expressing concerns that manual review processes are struggling to scale alongside AI-assisted development.
“I regularly point organisations toward Salt because the full Agentic Security Graph is genuinely differentiating. Salt Code is the piece that ties it together,” said Christopher M. Steffen, CISSP, CISA, CCZ, VP of Research, Information Security, Risk and Compliance Management, Enterprise Management Associates. “With code-level context layered onto runtime behaviour, Salt is building a multi-dimensional defence for agentic systems rather than another single-point tool. That is the direction this market needs to move.”
The company is encouraging organisations to focus on improving visibility into AI-generated code, reducing dependence on manual review, standardising secure development practices and treating AI coding assistants as part of the wider software supply chain.
As enterprises continue to embrace AI-assisted development, the findings suggest that the next phase of adoption may be defined less by productivity gains and more by how effectively organisations can govern and secure the code these systems produce.
The post Nine in Ten Security Leaders Concerned About AI-Generated Code Risks as Salt Security Launches New Governance Tool appeared first on IT Security Guru.
Bonjour à tous,
Avec mon association, nous souhaitons mettre une pétition en ligne. Nous avons fait un “test” en signant nous-même une fois mais, une fois que nous avons cliqué sur le bouton “signer”, une page d’erreur 500 s’affiche et, dans la finalité, la signature n’est pas comptabilisée.
J’ai cru comprendre que cette erreur est déjà arrivée et je voulais savoir comment les autres internautes l’ont résolue ?
Si jamais il y a besoin de changer de site, quelle alternative conseillez-vous ?
En vous souhaitant une bonne journée !!
3 messages - 2 participant(e)s
Comme chaque lundi, un coup d’œil dans le rétroviseur pour découvrir les informations que vous avez peut-être ratées la semaine dernière.
Tous les liens listés ci-dessous sont a priori accessibles librement. Si ce n’est pas le cas, pensez à activer votre bloqueur de javascript favori ou à passer en “mode lecture” (Firefox) ;-)
Plus de 200 personnes seraient décédées des suites d’Ebola en République démocratique du Congo et en Ouganda. Les médias indépendants internationaux parlent d’« une des épidémies les plus importantes de l’histoire récente », empirée par les décisions des États-Unis de Donald Trump.
Alors que le nombre de victimes du virus Ebola ne cesse d’augmenter, le conflit en cours dans l’est du pays ne fait qu’aggraver la situation. Manque de personnels soignants, déplacements des équipes médicales entravés, camps de déplacés… La situation pourrait devenir incontrôlable si les belligérants ne s’entendaient pas pour mettre en place les mesures nécessaires.
En parallèle, Moscou est accusée par l’Ukraine de s’être attaquée à un cargo truc, tandis que trois autres bateaux ont aussi été touchés sans que l’opération ne soit revendiquée.
New law permits real-time biometric surveillance in cases involving serious crime, kidnappings and threats to life
C’est dans le massif des Alpes que la hausse des températures est aujourd’hui parmi les plus visibles en Europe. À 10h du matin aujourd’hui, jeudi 28 mai, le thermomètre a atteint les 10°C sur la pointe Helbronner, un sommet du massif du Mont-Blanc parmi les plus élevés du continent, à 3 466 mètres d’altitude.
Le gouvernement néerlandais vient de bloquer le rachat de la société numérique Solvinity par l’acteur états-unien Kyndryl. En cause : des préoccupations en matière de souveraineté.
underneath the rhetoric of efficiency, modernisation, and citizen empowerment lies a more troubling reality. It is not a mere technical upgrade of public services, but a political choice, long in the making, to forego care and rights of individuals in favour of normalising surveillance, control and exclusion of the most marginalised.
Commercial spyware in Europe has recently made headlines with the now notorious names of Pegasus and Graphite, the expensive, exploitation-driven products at the top end of the market. Much less known is the wide underworld ecosystem of low-cost spyware vendors, often targeting citizens via their smartphones. EDRi member Osservatorio Nessuno has investigated and analysed two separate products, Spyrtacus and Morpheus.
La seconde édition du « Remigration Summit », un évènement identitaire organisé par d’ex-néonazis, a lieu ce 30 mai à Porto. De nombreux partis politiques européens y prônent la déportation des immigrés dans leur pays d’origine.
Britain has created a new breed of political prisoners through the systematic incarceration of people acting to prevent climate breakdown and the annihilation of Gaza
While Trump Brands Anti-Fascism “Terrorism,” Fascists Murder People in the Streets
Le Grec Kristian Gkolomeev a fait mieux que le record du monde du 50m nage libre mais sa performance ne sera pas homologuée.
US Infectious diseases centers launched during COVID have lost their funding under Trump.
L’enlèvement de Nicolás Maduro et de son épouse Cilia Flores par les forces spéciales américaines a marqué le début d’une nouvelle ère au Venezuela : celle d’un protectorat de facto dans lequel Washington gère le pétrole, les finances et le commerce extérieur.
Voir aussi Le banquier français Matthieu Pigasse décroche le contrat pour restructurer la dette du Venezuela (france24.com)
Telltale SSD activity can be measured in the browser using simple JavaScript.
Creating perfect randomness is surprisingly difficult. Even modern random number generators never generate completely ideal random numbers : small systematic errors can result in some numbers appearing slightly more frequently than others. For many applications, this does not matter. In cryptography, however, even the tiniest deviations can be problematic.
Musk says drones used Starlink instead of Starshield, blames military contractor.
La NASA a dévoilé mardi un plan d’investissement massif pour établir, à moyen terme, une base habitable sur la Lune prévue pour les années 2030. L’agence spatiale a fait appel aux géants de la tech que sont Space X et Blue Origin appartenant respectivement aux milliardaires Elon Musk et Jeff Bezos pour mettre en œuvre cette opération gigantesque.
En quelques années, les entreprises qui ambitionnent de faire décoller les usines dans l’espace se sont multipliées. En promettant de révolutionner la production de médicaments et de dépolluer l’industrie, elles attirent les financements privés comme publics. Pourtant, l’intérêt de ces projets ne fait pas l’unanimité.
New Glenn was due to play a starring role in NASA’s Artemis Program.This is the worst disaster in the history of Blue Origin, founded in 2000.
Voir aussi Rocket Report : A dark day for Blue Origin ; Pentagon eyes new launch site (arstechnica.com)
Le météore filait à 120 000 km/h à quelque 64 kilomètres dans le ciel avant d’exploser au-dessus de la région nord-est des États-Unis.
Millions of AI agents and tools around the world have been imperiled by a critical vulnerability that can allow hackers to breach the servers running them and make off with sensitive data and credentials to third-party accounts […]The vulnerability is present in Starlette, an open source framework that its developer says receives 325 million downloads per week.
Instead of links, Google is looking to push users down an AI chatbot rabbit hole. That’s despite the tech’s glaring shortcomings, which the company has yet to meaningfully address, with the company’s flagship AI Overview feature still suffering from a staggering number of hallucinations. Even something as simple as googling the word “disregard” sent the feature into a spiral, forcing the company to jump in after a wave of mockery.
It’s no secret there’s a war going on inside the open source community, with people adopting “AI” on one side, and those that want nothing to do with it on the other. While the former are, by nature, using destructive tactics like mass website scraping, license washing, taking people’s creative works without permission, taking all the RAM and GPUs, and oh, destroying the planet, the latter have mostly stuck to fairly benign things like policies banning “AI” use, “AI” bot blockers, and the occasional honey pot mazes to trap “AI” crawlers. No more. Things are escalating
“CEOs are uniquely prone to AI psychosis because they’re sufficiently distant from the last mile of work that still has to happen to generate most value with AI”[…]these top-level executives aren’t the people who have to review code, discover bugs, and identify calls to hallucinated libraries before software is deployed.
PR executives say UK companies are forcing them to present ordinary automation as artificial intelligence
Artificial intelligence (AI) companies influence policy and regulation using similar techniques to Big Tobacco, Big Pharma and Big Oil, according to a new study.
Corporate leaders are starting to question whether soaring AI spending is delivering meaningful returns.
Ads, rate limits, feature restrictions, price hikes. The AI free ride is over.
The earliest arrests under the Take It Down Act (TIDA) suggest that cops don’t have to work too hard to identify people illegally posting and selling nonconsensual sexualized deepfakes of women online.
Le pape va jusqu’à dénoncer « les nouvelles formes d’esclavage », nées des besoins d’extraction de ressources nécessaires à l’utilisation de l’intelligence artificielle (IA), comme les microprocesseurs.
With the co-founder of Anthropic at his side today in Rome, Pope Leo XIV released a major new encyclical—his first—called “Magnifica Humanitas” (“Magnificent Humanity”). It calls for AI to be “disarmed” in service of the common good.
Voir aussi Is Peter Thiel the target of Pope Leo’s Gandalf quote ? An investigation. (arstechnica.com)
EPA promises immediate investigation after congresswoman brings dirty jars of water to hearing
Les États-Unis ont réinstauré les sanctions prises à l’encontre de Francesca Albanese, une experte de l’ONU spécialiste des territoires palestiniens ayant vivement critiqué Israël, seulement quelques jours après leur levée.
Le ministre suprémaciste a eu le tort de montrer à la face du monde cette réalité d’Israël que le monde ne veut pas voir.
The seizure order, near Jenin refugee camp, is the latest move aimed at expanding military and settler presence in the north of the occupied territory.
Comment faire respecter la loi quand la famille devient le premier relais de la mutilation, au nom de l’honneur et de l’intégration sociale ?
A woman whose husband drugged, raped and filmed himself abusing her for years is speaking out about her experience in a bid to help other victims of similar crimes.
Chaque année, le 22 mai en Martinique et le 27 mai en Guadeloupe, les Antillais·es commémorent l’abolition de l’esclavage dans leurs territoires. Distinctes du 10 mai retenu par l’État français, ces dates hautement symboliques pour les communautés antillaises rappellent la résistance des personnes mises en esclavage.
L’Assemblée nationale abroge définitivement le Code noirLes député·es ont voté à l’unanimité ce jeudi 28 mai pour l’abrogation du Code noir et l’ensemble des textes ayant réglementé l’esclavage dans les colonies françaises aux XVIIᵉ et XVIIIᵉ siècles. Bien que sans effet juridique depuis longtemps, ces textes n’avaient jamais formellement été abrogés après l’abolition définitive de l’esclavage en 1848.
Patrick Balkany, âgé de 77 ans, a été condamné à 15 mois de prison ferme et à trois ans ferme, mais sans mandat de dépôt. Il n’ira donc pas immédiatement derrière les barreaux.
C’est le maire de la capitale, Emmanuel Grégoire, qui a pris cette décision, en lien avec le président de la République, Emmanuel Macron. […] « J’ai souhaité que l’édition 2026 ait lieu le lundi 13 juillet, afin de permettre le respect nécessaire pour le temps national de commémoration des dix ans de l’attentat de Nice »
De nouveaux travaux affinent le profil des personnes qui ne demandent pas le RSA alors qu’elles y ont droit. Et montrent l’impact qu’aurait le recours à la prestation sociale sur le taux de pauvreté.
Saisie par Google et RTE, la Commission nationale du débat public (CNDP) va organiser une concertation autour du projet de datacenter géant de la multinationale américaine à Ozans, près de Châteauroux – et ce bien qu’officiellement, Google n’ait toujours pas pris sa décision.
Un ouvrier de 19 ans est mort dans la nuit du mardi 26 au mercredi 27 mai après avoir travaillé sur un toit par plus de 31 °C.
Les chaleurs exceptionnelles ont semé la pagaille dans les trains, révélant les limites du réseau ferroviaire français face au changement climatique.
La France avait trois ans pour transposer la directive européenne sur la transparence salariale, favorable à l’égalité professionnelle. Le gouvernement repousse désormais ses obligations, invoquant une mésentente entre partenaires sociaux.Qui aurait pu prédire ?
une masseuse bénévole du Paléo avait dénoncé le « comportement inadmissible » du chanteur en 2019. L’affaire s’était conclue par « un accord entre les parties incluant une clause de confidentialité ».
Des militantes du collectif Nous Toutes s’étaient placées dans le public de la pièce « Deuxième partie », dans laquelle joue Patrick Bruel au théâtre Édouard VII.
L’étau se resserre autour du chanteur accusé de nombreuses agressions sexuelles. Une trentaine de femmes ont témoigné contre lui. Rappel des faits alors qu’il vient d’annuler ses dates prévues jusqu’à l’automne.
Première femme en France à diriger un parti politique, le PSU, à la fin des années 1970, Huguette Bouchardeau est décédée à l’âge de 90 ans.
Considéré comme le dernier grand intellectuel français, Edgar Morin est décédé ce 29 mai […] Philosophe et sociologue, directeur de recherche émérite au CNRS, l’auteur de Le paradigme perdu et d’une soixantaine d’autres ouvrages laisse derrière lui une œuvre transdisciplinaire, abondamment commentée et traduite, au service d’une pensée toujours libre et critique de son temps.
Voir aussi Edgar Morin, penseur de la complexité et passionné de l’humanité (humanite.fr)
« Le Monde » a révélé la présence de la ministre à un déjeuner visant à structurer un think thank, fondé par Bolloré, pour promouvoir ses idées conservatrices en vue de 2027.
Le pilier de la presse régionale va mal, et sa direction engage un énième plan d’économie. Suggestion proposée par le syndicat SNJ : arrêter de « trouver des excuses » et sortir des informations.
Kévin Floury a pris la parole lors de la matinale de la chaîne d’info en continu pour défendre les cartes météo jugées trop « rouges » par les climatosceptiques.
ce qu’il décrit comme ses quatre chantiers prioritaires : « école, salaires, frontières, IA ».
Tout le week-end, des internautes se sont étonnés d’être abonnés au compte « Attal président » sans jamais l’avoir demandé […] le compte dispose déjà de 35 000 abonnés sur Instagram et de plus de 50 000 sur X […] Sans rien dire à personne, Gabriel Attal a mis la main sur les comptes de soutien du candidat… Emmanuel Macron en 2022 »
Deux sénateurs de droite dressent un bilan critique de la libéralisation du rail : coûteuse pour les finances publiques, elle fait courir le risque d’une « balkanisation » du réseau et de l’abandon des petites dessertes.
Véritable atteinte démocratique, les préfets pourront permettre aux agriculteurs de continuer à pomper l’eau pendant deux ans, même lorsqu’une mégabassine aura été rendue illégale par la justice !
La vidéosurveillance algorithmique se déploie en France non seulement dans l’espace public, avec la loi JO, mais aussi dans les commerces, sans le cadre juridique nécessaire. Des startups comme Veesion ont lancé une campagne de lobbying de longue haleine pour obtenir la légalisation de ces pratiques, avec le soutien des géants de la distribution et de députés.
Du 22 au 31 mai 2026, les Français·es résidant hors de France éliront 433 conseiller·es des Français·es de l’étranger et 77 délégué·es consulaires
« Il est apparu clairement que nous n’étions plus alignés sur des questions essentielles de valeurs et de conception du rôle d’une organisation comme le WWF dans la société contemporaine […] Ce désaccord est devenu explicite après ma participation, à titre strictement personnel, à un rassemblement transpartisan contre le racisme à Saint-Denis »
De la mise en examen de Sophie Binet après ses prises de position sur les Pfas aux attaques des municipalités du RN contre les syndicats, une même logique est à l’œuvre : affaiblir la démocratie sociale.
À Grenoble, les tensions au sein de l’inspection du travail se sont accentuées à l’approche du 1er mai. Selon les syndicats, des courriers destinés à rappeler aux employeurs la réglementation applicable ce jour-là ont d’abord été bloqués par la direction.
Menacées d’expulsion dans plusieurs villes de droite et RN, comme à Carcassonne, les Bourses du travail sont des lieux essentiels pour l’accès aux droits des salariés et pour leur organisation collective.
Dans les communes dirigées par le Rassemblement national, les attaques contre les syndicats se multiplient. L’extrême droite veut affaiblir les contre-pouvoirs du monde du travail et imposer un ordre réactionnaire au service des politiques antisociales et racistes.
C’est un élément majeur qu’ont identifié Mediapart et Libération. Au bout de plusieurs mois d’analyses de plus de 150 heures d’images produites par les gendarmes et des journalistes, les deux médias ont révélé le 26 mai précisément l’origine du tir de grenade qui a grièvement blessé Serge Duteuil-Graziani le 25 mars 2023 lors de la mobilisation à Sainte-Soline (Deux-Sèvres).
Les militaires n’ont été sanctionnés que pour « propos inadaptés ». Pour ce qui est des tirs tendus filmés sur place, le ministère de l’Intérieur s’en remet à la justice.
À l’appel de la CGT Spectacle, acteurs du monde de la culture, syndicats et partis politiques de gauche se sont rassemblés devant la salle de spectacle détenue par le milliardaire d’extrême droite ce samedi 30 mai, pour appeler à lutter contre la bataille culturelle menée par Bolloré.
Voir aussi Jean-Luc Mélenchon fait de la lutte contre Bolloré un argument de campagne lors de la manif à L’Olympia (huffingtonpost.fr)
Le leader de La France insoumise a manifesté près de la salle de spectacle qui appartient au groupe Canal+, avec plusieurs dizaines de personnes.
L’interprète de « Djadja » a répondu à sa manière aux militants identitaires du groupe Les Natifs, condamnés pour avoir déployé une pancarte raciste à son encontre
Pour les membres du « collectif Némésis », trouver un café ou un estaminet accueillant est devenu un chemin de croix. Contraintes de venir dans la capitale comtoise à cause d’un énième calendrier judiciaire, les militantes d’extrême droite pourront désormais ajouter un nouveau lieu où elles sont « persona non grata ».
Des enseignants-chercheurs et des étudiants multiplient les mobilisations contre les frais différenciés imposés aux étudiants étrangers hors UE. Le gouvernement fait pression pour généraliser, par décret, cette mesure.
La Cour d’appel de Grenoble a rendu, ce 27 mai 2026, un arrêt confirmant la responsabilité d’EDF et de Cédrick Hausseguy dans les fuites de tritium survenues en novembre 2021 à la centrale nucléaire de Tricastin (Drôme). Cette décision fait suite à une procédure engagée par le Réseau “Sortir du nucléaire” (RSDN) dès octobre 2022, après la découverte d’une contamination des eaux souterraines par 900 litres d’effluents radioactifs.
Dix ans après la loi pénalisant les clients, la sénatrice écolo Anne Souyris propose de décriminaliser le travail du sexe. Un texte co-écrit avec les concernées, qui pourrait bousculer un Parlement tenté par de nouvelles lois coercitives.
Sign the solidarity petition if you edit Wikipedia.
Du 30 mai au 13 juin, le mouvement des free parties organise des « manifestives » aux quatre coins du pays pour s’opposer à deux textes législatifs en cours de discussion, et jugés extrêmement répressifs.
Basta ! prépare un nouvel outil de visualisation de sa base de données sur les interventions policières létales. Une manière de faire entrer durablement dans le débat public le sujet des violences policières, lorsque celles-ci sont illégitimes.
À l’heure où les médias télévisés ne relatent que des discours et des opinions, nous voulions remettre les faits au centre des décisions de chacun-e et montrer à toutes et tous que le RN n’agit pas dans votre intérêt. Le RN vote contre notre santé, contre les femmes, contre les personnes précaires, contre les personnes non blanches, contre les travailleurs et travailleuses, contre les demandeurs et demandeuses d’emploi, contre les personnes LGBT+, contre les malades, contre les agriculteurs et agricultrices, contre le vivant, contre l’écologie et contre la démocratie.
Un programmeur américain a créé un système qui analyse l’activité des avions privés et attribue un « niveau d’urgence » global. Une œuvre à mi-chemin entre art, satire politique et surveillance technologique.
En conditions normales, le système de navigation européen Galileo offre des performances deux à trois fois supérieures au GPS américain. Imaginez qu’avec son service haute précision, il peut descendre sous les 25 centimètres. Le tout gratuit et ouvert à tous. Pourtant sur votre téléphone, vos données de déplacement transitent par les serveurs de Google ou d’Apple. Et l’IGN, que l’État français finance à hauteur d’une centaine de millions d’euros par an, reste absent de la majorité des services numériques publics.
After a security researcher published a series of unpatched bugs in Microsoft products, along with code to exploit them, the company is now threatening to take legal action and call the cops on them. Microsoft’s veiled threat reignites a long-running argument over what responsibility, if any, security researchers have to disclose vulnerabilities affecting large and wealthy tech giants.
The bugs, broken apps, and nightmare customer-service bots we can’t escape, presented as a blessed and sacred addendum to Pope Leo XIV’s new encyclical on AI
La réponse du capitalisme à ses propres crises a échoué, en dépit de sa tentation libertarienne actuelle. Mais la gauche le sait-elle ?
Comment les discours de l’extrême droite sur la protection des femmes réactivent-ils des imaginaires coloniaux hérités de la campagne raciste allemande de la « Honte noire » ?
Une étude alerte sur une explosion des épisodes de grêle extrême d’ici 2100. Aux États-Unis comme en Europe, le réchauffement climatique pourrait favoriser des tempêtes capables de produire des grêlons records, et des dégâts considérables.
Le marais de Taligny, en Indre-et-Loire, absorbe les nitrates, freine les crues, soutient les nappes phréatiques et stocke le carbone. Ces fonctions, longtemps ignorées, ont justifié une restauration complète engagée depuis les années 2000. Une réserve naturelle régionale qui rend, silencieusement, des services que l’agriculture industrielle et l’urbanisme continuent de détruire ailleurs.
They seem to reorganize their tissues and then just keep living.
Microeledone galapagensis, a tiny blue octopus, is new to science
des chercheurs lillois travaillent actuellement sur un stérilet masculin implantable et réversible. Une innovation qui pourrait complètement changer la contraception dans les prochaines années.
Retrouvez les revues de web précédentes dans la catégorie Libre Veille du Framablog.
Les articles, commentaires et autres images qui composent ces « Khrys’presso » n’engagent que moi (Khrys).
Hello,
I’m developing an application that interfaces with Mobilizon, in the same way as the various importers, and I’d like to know whether it is possible — rather, safe — to test this kind of application during development on production Mobilizon instances such as https://keskonfai.fr. I should clarify that the application I’m developing is intended to be read-only, with no write operations.
Thank you for your informed advice.
7 messages - 2 participant(e)s
Merci pour votre article qui change des postes linkedin de fournisseur de logiciel qui crie comme des putois parce qu’ils ont pas eu leur précieuse commande publique
Bonjour !
Thanks for this great application.
Inspecting with psql the peertube_prod db instance, I noticed the number of channels (~1300) and videos (~42K) is huge and does not equal to the numbers of local channels (~8) and local videos (~5300).
I guess it’s because of the Federation enabled in the instance (https://video.triplea.fr). Due to administration small time and policy of avoiding to mix curated contents with complotist videos, Federation was disabled. Is is possible and safe to clean manually the un-local channels and videos in the postgresql tables?
Even if the Federation feature is disabled, I had a lot to clean in /admin/overview/comments/list (curiously positive and worthless, seeming like slop). Curious to have local comments to admin for videos that are not.
2 messages - 1 participant(e)
Hello!
I’ve been using PeerTube for quite a while now and haven’t had any major issues so far.
Now I’m facing a problem that I can’t quite explain myself.
I can’t subscribe to some channels on other instances.
For example, when I search for the following channels on my own instance:
heise_ct_videos@ peertube. heise. de
hakendran_videos@ peertube. heise. de
ct_uplink_videos@ peertube. heise. de
ct_3003@peertube. heise. de
medienecho@ digitalcourage. video
I can find it and click “Subscribe”.
The website itself tells me that I’ll now be notified when new videos are posted.
Everything seems normal.
But when I reload the PeerTube page, I can click “Subscribe” again.
So it didn’t save the subscription.
When I search the PeerTube log on the server for information, I don’t find anything unusual.
After searching for the channel, the log shows that the current video information is being retrieved.
As soon as I click Subscribe, the log only shows that it appears to have worked so far.
But apparently, it didn’t.
I’ve tried this several times on different days.
I’ve also tried it with the latest versions of PeerTube to rule out a bug in the software.
May 30 10:52:35 VM-PeerTube peertube[489]: [``peertube.hoerli.net:443``] 2026-05-30 10:52:35.299 info: Processing ActivityPub follow in job 79.
May 30 10:52:35 VM-PeerTube peertube[489]: [``peertube.hoerli.net:443``] 2026-05-30 10:52:35.321 info: Creating job to send follow request to heise_ct_videos - Videos von heise online .
May 30 10:52:35 VM-PeerTube peertube[489]: [``peertube.hoerli.net:443``] 2026-05-30 10:52:35.324 info: Processing ActivityPub unicast in job 9951.
May 30 10:52:35 VM-PeerTube peertube[489]: [``peertube.hoerli.net:443``] 2026-05-30 10:52:35.417 info: Updating 1 good actor follows and 0 bad actor follows scores in cache. {
May 30 10:52:35 VM-PeerTube peertube[489]: « badInboxes »:
May 30 10:52:35 VM-PeerTube peertube[489]: }
Where could the problem be?
Other channels on other platforms work without any issues.
2 messages - 1 participant(e)
The NixOS project has officially released NixOS 26.05, codenamed “Yarara,” continuing the distribution’s unique approach to Linux system management through declarative configuration, atomic upgrades, and reproducible deployments. The release introduces several important platform-level changes, modernized infrastructure components, and continued refinement of the Nix ecosystem.
As one of the most distinctive Linux distributions available today, NixOS continues attracting developers, DevOps engineers, and advanced Linux users who value predictable system behavior and highly reproducible environments.
Unlike traditional Linux distributions that install packages directly into shared system locations, NixOS is built around the Nix package manager, which stores software in isolated, versioned paths and generates complete system configurations declaratively.
This architecture provides several advantages:
These features have helped NixOS gain popularity among developers managing complex systems and cloud infrastructure.
One of the most significant changes in NixOS 26.05 is the move to a systemd-based Stage 1 initrd by default. The older scripted implementation is now deprecated and scheduled for removal in NixOS 26.11.
The initrd (initial RAM disk) is responsible for preparing the system during early boot before the main operating system loads.
According to the release notes:
boot.initrd.systemd.enable = falseThis change is expected to improve consistency and simplify maintenance across modern NixOS deployments.
NixOS continues its established release cadence of publishing stable versions twice per year—typically around May and November. The 26.05 “Yarara” release follows the previous 25.11 “Xantusia” release and continues the project's steady development rhythm.
The 26.05 development cycle involved extensive staging, package testing, and release management work coordinated through the NixOS community.
Like previous NixOS releases, 26.05 includes a massive collection of package updates across the software ecosystem.
The GNOME Project has officially opened the development cycle for GNOME 51, the next major release of one of Linux’s most widely used desktop environments. Following the recent launch of GNOME 50 “Tokyo,” developers are already shifting focus toward the next chapter of the desktop’s evolution, which will carry the codename “A Coruña.”
While it’s still very early in the process, the release schedule is now taking shape, giving Linux users and developers an early look at what to expect over the coming months.
The new release is named A Coruña, after the Spanish city that will host GUADEC 2026, the annual GNOME Users and Developers European Conference. The event serves as one of the most important gatherings for GNOME contributors, where future desktop plans, technologies, and development priorities are discussed.
As soon as GNOME 50 was finalized, development work for GNOME 51 officially began, continuing GNOME’s well-established six-month release cadence.
The GNOME team has outlined the preliminary roadmap for the GNOME 51 cycle.
Current milestone dates include:
These milestones provide time for:
As always, dates may shift slightly depending on development progress.
Because the development cycle has only just started, GNOME developers have not yet revealed a finalized feature list. Most major design discussions and merge requests are still in their early stages.
However, several areas are already attracting attention.
One of the biggest transitions in recent GNOME history happened with GNOME 50, which completed the project’s move away from X11 by removing remaining X.Org support from the desktop environment.
Because GNOME is now fully committed to Wayland, many observers expect GNOME 51 to focus heavily on:
Acumen Cyber has announced a strategic partnership with AttackIQ to help organizations continuously validate their cyber defenses against real-world threats and reduce exposure to modern attacks.
The partnership combines Acumen Cyber’s engineering-led security operations expertise with AttackIQ’s Continuous Threat Exposure Management (CTEM) platform. Together, the companies aim to help organizations identify exploitable attack paths, validate security controls, and prioritize remediation efforts based on actual risk rather than theoretical vulnerabilities.
Moving beyond traditional vulnerability management
As cybercriminals increasingly leverage artificial intelligence and automation, organizations are struggling to keep pace with the growing volume of vulnerabilities and security alerts.
According to Acumen Cyber and AttackIQ, traditional approaches centered on vulnerability counts, severity ratings, and periodic assessments are no longer enough. Security teams need continuous visibility into how attackers could move through their environments and whether existing controls are capable of stopping them.
The partnership is designed to help organizations continuously test defensive effectiveness, validate security investments, and focus resources on the attack paths that present the greatest risk.
Carl Wright, Chief Commercial Officer at AttackIQ, said many organizations are overwhelmed by security findings but still lack clarity about where they are truly vulnerable.
“Threat Debt changes the conversation from managing lists of vulnerabilities to understanding and reducing accumulated adversary opportunity,” Wright said.
Continuous validation becomes a priority
As part of the partnership, Acumen Cyber’s engineers will emulate real-world adversary techniques mapped to frameworks such as MITRE ATT&CK. This will allow organizations to test whether their preventive and detective controls can successfully stop modern attack methods.
The companies say the approach helps uncover where vulnerabilities, identity exposures, misconfigurations, and control gaps combine to create viable attack paths to critical assets.
Mark Robertson, CEO of Acumen Cyber, said organizations need to focus less on activity metrics and more on measurable security outcomes.
“Most organizations still operate security programs built around activity metrics instead of validated outcomes,” Robertson said. “The reality is that adversaries exploit paths, not isolated findings.”
He added that the partnership will enable customers to continuously identify attacker opportunities and systematically reduce what AttackIQ calls “Threat Debt” before those weaknesses can be exploited.
Measuring exposure through Threat Debt
A key component of the partnership is the AttackIQ Threat Debt Index, which provides organizations with a framework for measuring accumulated adversary opportunity across their environments.
The index is designed to track how attack paths change over time, identify where new exposure has emerged, and show where security controls are successfully reducing risk. This gives organizations a way to measure cyber resilience based on validated outcomes rather than simply reporting on security activities.
As organizations continue to face increasingly sophisticated cyber threats, Acumen Cyber and AttackIQ believe continuous validation and threat-informed defense will play a growing role in helping security teams stay ahead of attackers.
The post Acumen Cyber and AttackIQ Partner to Strengthen Cyber Defense Validation appeared first on IT Security Guru.
